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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20190206T123000
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SUMMARY:Prospects for a Peaceful Democratic Transition in Sudan
DESCRIPTION:Abdelwahab El-Affendi\, Dean of the School of Social Sciences and Humanities and Professor of Politics at the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies\, was invited by CIRS to discuss the current uprisings in Sudan\, with a lecture on “Prospects for a Peaceful Democratic Transition in Sudan” on February 6\, 2019. Giving some background on the ongoing issue\, El-Affendi explained that Omar al-Bashir has been the president of Sudan for three decades\, since coming to power after a military coup in 1989. He is considered a tyrannical leader by many\, and stands accused of crimes against humanity and war crimes by the International Criminal Court. \n \n \nEl-Affendi noted that the recent nationwide uprisings have been the most sustained in the country’s history\, ongoing since December 19\, 2018. “There has never been such widespread public support for a protest in the past. This protest is supported in almost every town of Sudan\, among most classes of people\, even among most along the spectrum—from Islamist to left wing\,” which is unprecedented\, he argued. Large gatherings\, even wedding parties\, have become sites of anti-government demonstrations. In former Sudanese revolutions\, the ruling regimes fell in less than two weeks after the start of protests\, largely because “the army—or sections of it—would side with the people and the regime would be forced away. This did not happen” in the current conflict\, El-Affendi said. Even though the legitimacy of the government has been decreasing over the years\, the military remains in support of it\, and has not voiced opposition. \n \n \n“There has never been such widespread public support for a protest in the past. This protest is supported in almost every town of Sudan\, among most classes of people\, even among most along the spectrum—from Islamist to left wing.” \n \n \nEl-Affendi explained that the current nationwide uprising was sparked by spontaneous anger\, when “people went to their bakeries and found that bread prices had tripled one morning” in Atbara\, a working-class town with a long history of labor unions—elements that contributed to the mobilization of protestors. The protests quickly spread to neighboring ad-Damar\, the capital of the province\, and adjacent Berber. It reached the capital city\, Khartoum\, within twenty-four hours. While the quick spread of the protests was surprising\, it was understandable in the rapidly declining economic climate of Sudan. \n \n \nFollowing a smaller uprising in September 2013\, al-Bashir had tried to placate the public by holding so-called “national dialogues\,” which gave people high hopes of serious reform\, El-Affendi said. However\, “the outcome of the negotiations was not up to expectations.” Essentially\, nothing happened and the buildup of anger and frustration continued. In fact\, El-Affendi argued\, a Sudanese revolution has long been in the making\, and was predicted to erupt years before the 2011 Arab uprisings\, largely because of the controversial division of the country into two separate states\, an excruciating loss for many in the north. “People had been predicting that this would be a trigger for an uprising because people would not accept this division of the country\, and would blame the government for it\,” he said. \n \n \nIn past Sudanese revolutions\, when a regime fell\, a transitional government would be set up by an alliance of political parties\, trade unions and professional organizations\, and there would be new elections\, he said. “Now the revolutionaries are saying no.” The protestors are no longer interested in any form of consensual transition. People are so frustrated with the current regime that they are demanding that the entire structure of the government be dismantled\, El-Affendi said. “The revolutionaries are very radical in their demands. They say we don’t want any negotiations with this government\, we don’t want any talks with them.” As such\, al-Bashir and his administration are on the defensive and mobilizing resources to reassert control. “At the moment\, we are in a kind of deadlock where protests seem to be mounting and sustained\, while the government seems to be able to hold the fort\,” El-Affendi said. \n \n \nIn conclusion\, El-Affendi suggested three possible solutions to the conflict: 1) the military can refuse to serve the government\, similar to what happened in Tunisia and Egypt during the Arab uprisings; 2) the government can escalate the violence and start killing civilians to deter protests; 3) or a mediation effort can be implemented via the international community\, through the African Union\, for example. The former African Union President Thabo Mbeki had intervened in Sudan in the past\, mediating situations like the conflict in Darfur in 2008\, and the conflict between Sudan and South Sudan\, he said. However\, the Sudanese government seems to think it does not need international or outside help. Finally\, El-Affendi characterized the situation as “a kind of Syrian scenario\, where the regime will hold its own\, but the protests will increase\, and will probably become violent.” \n \n \n  \n \n \nArticle by Khansa Maria\, CURA Publications Fellow. \n \n \n \nAbdelwahab El-Affendi is Dean of the School of Social Sciences and Humanities and Professor of Politics at the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies. Previously\, he was Head of the Politics and International Relations program at DI\, and Coordinator of the Democracy and Islam program at University of Westminster. He also worked as a diplomat in the Sudanese Foreign Ministry and has worked as Editor or Managing Editor of several publications. He was a Visiting Fellow/Professor at the Christian Michelsen Institute in Norway\, Northwestern University\, Oxford University\, Cambridge University\, and the International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization in Malaysia. He is the author of Genocidal Nightmares: Narratives of Insecurity and the Logic of Mass Atrocities (2015).
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/prospects-peaceful-democratic-transition-sudan/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20190207T123000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20190207T163000
DTSTAMP:20260404T032204
CREATED:20190114T083655Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210610T073625Z
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SUMMARY:CURA Workshop: Introduction to Research Methods
DESCRIPTION:CIRS hosted its second CURA workshop for GU-Q students on the topic “Introduction to Research Methods” The workshop\, held on February 7\, 2019\, presented a conceptual definition of research methods\, introduced methodological approaches\, addressed practical issues concerning data availability\, and helped students to identify appropriate strategies for tackling their own research projects. \n \n \nJustin Gengler\, Assistant Research Professor at the Social and Economic Survey Research Institute (SESRI) at Qatar University\, gave a presentation that served to identify methodological and scientific research approaches. He shared the basics of theory building\, including but not limited to\, case studies\, process tracing\, large-N\, surveys\, and randomized experiments. He emphasized the concepts of internal and external validity as tools for evaluating the strengths and weakness of different methods. \n \n \n“After attending the first CURA Workshop\, the second one was definitely beneficial as it allowed me to build on my prior knowledge and work on my research skills.” – Khushboo Shah (class of 2022)\, CURA Administrative Fellow. \n \n \nHis key point was that some approaches are better suited for particular types of research questions\, and that there exists a link between a research question and the method used to investigate it. Gengler led interactive sessions with the students in order for them to identify the best methodological approach given a specific research question. One exercise consisted of determining and explaining the dependent variable and the causal processes of different study cases. \n \n \nThe workshop was facilitated by Elizabeth Wanucha\, CIRS Project Manager\, and Islam Hassan\, CIRS Research Analyst\, with the assistance of Shaza Afifi\, Mohammed Al-Jaberi\, Ameena Almeer\, Chaïmaa Benkermi\, Irakli Gobejishvili\, Irene Promodh\, Abdul Rehmaan Qayyum\, and Khushboo Shah—all current CURA Fellows. The Fellows guided group activities that consisted of matching a research question to the most suitable methodological approach put forward by Gengler. \n \n \n“The workshop taught me much more than just methodological research plans\, but also how to cooperate and compromise as a group and appreciate each other’s contributions\, regardless of how radically different they may seem.” – Irene Promodh (class 2021)\, CURA Research Fellow. \n \n \nThe different exercises\, through both the PollEverywhere interactive medium and individual reflection\, helped students identify the appropriate methodological approach to answer the research question: “How does university study abroad by Qatar-based students influence their attitudes toward gender relations in society and in the family?” After individual reflections\, students formed small groups to come to an agreement on the following criteria for the predetermined question: the scope of the case to be considered; the level of analysis; the indicators and variables to be studied; the theoretical limitations of the chosen approach; and the practical challenges of the chosen approach. The groups then formulated their proposals and presented them to the full group for feedback and evaluation. \n \n \nCURA Research Fellow Abdul Rehmaan Qayyum (class of 2021) commented that the workshop would “help people seeking to publish papers for CURA\, researching for UREP\, or even those who plan on pursuing a master’s degree.” Another participant described the group activity as “extremely helpful\,” notably due to the feedback from CIRS staff and Professor Gengler. \n \n \nSeventeen students from all class years attended the workshop. The workshop was useful for all participants\, from freshmen working on their midterm papers to seniors preparing for their honors. Those who successfully completed the workshop were awarded electronic badges that could be shared on their LinkedIn profiles. \n \n \nCIRS has been promoting students’ research skills and research methodologies through its CURA workshop series. GU-Q students will be able to participate in the next CURA workshop in fall 2019. \n \n \n  \n \n \nArticle by Chaïmaa Benkermi (class of 2021)\, CURA Publications Fellow
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/cura-workshop-introduction-research-methods/
CATEGORIES:Student Engagement
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20190213T124500
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20190213T134500
DTSTAMP:20260404T032204
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SUMMARY:Western Higher Education in Global Contexts
DESCRIPTION:Mohanalakshmi Rajakumar is a Qatar-based novelist and community course instructor at VCUarts Qatar who writes on topics related to gender\, race\, and pedagogy. On February 13\, 2019\, she presented a CIRS Focused Discussion\, “Western Higher Education in Global Contexts\,” in which she explored the topic of international branch campuses (IBCs)—such as Georgetown University in Qatar and other universities in Education City—and their growing popularity and impact on international development in education. She recently edited a book by the same title\, published in 2018\, which examines global perspectives on the internationalization of American higher education practices in Europe\, Asia\, and the Middle East. \n \n \nThe premise of the IBC is the agreement between a national entity and a US-based institution that students will earn the same degree they would receive from the main campus\, Rajakumar explained. Due to this arrangement\, IBCs typically do not offer professors specialized training in cultural sensitivity because\, “If it is the exact same degree\, then there would be no additives\, no preservatives\, nothing at all changed\,” she said. Students are also not oriented to the unique nature of studying at an IBC\, which may vary drastically from their previous educational training.   \n \n \nRajakumar shared a case study with the audience to show the importance of understanding the overlapping influences of cultural norms and diversity of values in multicultural classrooms. Such cases are a follow up to the larger project of the book\, intended to feature the “brass tacks and lived realities for the people doing the teaching and learning” in IBCs\, she said. According to Rajakumar\, the main themes within the case study were conflicting norms about timeliness and people’s differing attitudes about authority figures in intercultural settings.  \n \n \n“This is a case that looks at authority; who has authority\, who is allowed to question the authority\, and the ways in which power circulates in a classroom.” \n \n \nThe central conflict in the case raised the critical question of who is in charge and what is open to negotiation in a university classroom. “Some people think rules are rules\,” she explained. Others feel that\, “Rules are rules\, but they shouldn’t apply to ‘me’ because ‘I’ have this exceptional circumstance.” A one-size-fits-all model for teaching in international contexts is impossible to implement\, she said\, because students may find faults with their syllabi depending on the importance of the course to their major. Other factors also influence classroom behavior including gender\, ethnic background\, and personality types; therefore\, there can often be conflict between faculty and students\, as well as among students themselves. \n \n \nUltimately\, Rajakumar explained\, “This is a case that looks at authority; who has authority\, who is allowed to question the authority\, and the ways in which power circulates in a classroom.” She concluded by noting that an unfortunate reality of Western education today is that it is not molded to fit various cultural contexts. Additionally\, professors and students at IBCs are not prepared for the unique learning process they are undertaking. “No matter whether it was Russia\, Japan\, Qatar\, Lebanon—across all of our research sites\, there was little to almost no training given to faculty for their particular cultural setting\,” she said. IBCs seem to be perpetuating a Western narrative in this respect\, and cultural awareness training is necessary for their future success. \n \n \nArticle by Khansa Maria\, CURA Publications Fellow \n \n \n \nMohanalakshmi Rajakumar is a novelist and educator with a PhD in English Literature. Her work has been published in a variety of peer reviewed journals and books including Gender\, Teaching American Literature\, and South Asian Review\, among others. Rajakumar has also been recognized for her work as a novelist. Her contemporary romance\, Love Comes Later\, won the Best Indie Book Award for Romance in 2013\, and her coming-of-age novel\, An Unlikely Goddess\, earned her recognition as a finalist in the SheWrites New Novelist competition in 2011. Her edited volume\, Western Higher Education in Global Contexts\, contributes to the scholarship on the project of implementing and expanding US-influenced curricula in the Middle East and Asia. 
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/western-higher-education-global-contexts/
CATEGORIES:American Studies,Dialogue Series,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20190224T090000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20190225T150000
DTSTAMP:20260404T032204
CREATED:20190411T061716Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210829T135928Z
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SUMMARY:Political Economy of the Contemporary Middle East Working Group I
DESCRIPTION:On February 24-25\, 2019\, the Center for International and Regional Studies (CIRS) brought together a number of scholars to commence a new research effort on  the “Political Economy of the Contemporary Middle East.” Over the course of two days\, the participating scholars discussed a wide array of topics\, including: neo-liberal policies post the 2011 uprisings; business interests of Middle Eastern militaries; private security and military companies; economic integration in the Levant and GCC; foreign direct investments (FDI) in North Africa and the GCC; state bureaucracy and the economy in Iran\, as well currency and black market manipulations in Iran; development policies in the post-2011 GCC; and the emerging transformation of state-business relations in the GCC. \n\nAngela Joya began the working group discussions by speaking on the topic of “Neoliberal Policies in the Post-2011 Middle East.” Joya provided a review of public sentiment towards economic conditions across the Middle East\, and focused on different countries in the region in her discussion. Joya suggested that over the past seven years we have seen a range of public protest in the region which focus specifically on the economy and peoples’ grievances over poor economic conditions. The Arab Uprisings commenced with cases of self-immolation in Tunisia\, a brutal form of protest to highlight the lack of financial and material wellbeing for average citizens. Since the Arab Uprisings while this momentum has diminished it has not complete gone away\, and neither have the underlying economic issues. In Morocco public demonstrations erupted over the declining standards of living\, rising costs of everyday goods\, and increasing unemployment. In Egypt\, since 2016\, there has been a dramatic increase in poverty after the IMF-imposed structural reforms\, however public protests have diminished. The economic conditions  in Yemen\, Libya\, and Syria are dire\, while Jordan is also seeing increasing economic dissatisfaction. While in several cases the economy is being aggravated by war and conflict\, we see people trying to escape war and conflict\, but also steady streams of Middle Eastern migrants trying to leave their countries as a result of economic hardship. Joya suggested that further academic exploration is needed to examine the extent of neoliberal reforms in the Middle East and what the implications of the new economic reforms are on social\, economic\, and political conditions. Joya stated that governments initially responded to protests and public signs of dissatisfaction by adopting bigger fiscal policies\, increasing wages\, and pumping money into the market. This led to heavy government borrowing and was then followed by restrictive spending measures\, subsidies being cut\, and then prices being liberalized\, an ongoing cyclical repetition seen in this region. \n\nAhmed Hashim shifted the discussion to “Military Inc.-Private Sector Relations.” Hashim said that while militaries are designed to fight internal and external enemies\, in the Middle East\, they do a great deal more than that. Militaries in the Middle East have frequently engaged in the economy\, often causing significant distortions. This provokes the question: Why and how does the military get involved in the economic sector? The military’s role in the economy increased dramatically as states moved from state-owned to liberal markets. Under the Socialist regime of Nasser in Egypt\, for example\, the military was involved in arms production\, but it was also involved in the private sector and importation of products. Under Sadat the military’s engagement in the economy increased significantly\, and since Mubarak there is no sector of the Egyptian economy that the military is not involved in. Hashim also asked: What impact does the military’s involvement in economy have on the economy and private sector? As Sadat dismantled the Nasser system\, the military expanded dramatically in the economy. And since 2011\, it is estimated that the military controls around thirty percent of the Egyptian economy. The setup encouraged the military’s involvement in real estate rather than expanding the production base. Hashim concluded his presentation with recommending further research on conscripted labors; the impact of the military on the private sector; competition versus collaboration between the military inc. and private sector; and competition among quasi-military inc. \n\nBuilding on Hashim’s presentation\, Shir Hever focused the discussion on “Private Security and Military Companies: The Case of Israel.” Hever highlighted five main areas that deserve in-depth academic study insofar as the Israeli military-industrial complex is concerned. The first area is the privatization of the Israeli security sector. Such privatization expanded to include the military\, police\, and prison services. Second is the Israeli Laboratory Model. In this regard\, arms producing companies in Israel have marketed their products globally as experimented on-ground. However\, Hever alluded that the success of such arms and technologies is questionable if the relationship between political events and the financial reports of companies is tested. He argued that an Israeli arms-producing company’s financial reports reached its peak in 2009 after the war in Gaza\, and reached a second peak in 2012 after the second Gaza invasion. However in 2014 with the third Gaza invasion\, the company’s revenues did not increase. The failure of the company’s arms and technologies to subjugate Palestinians and refrain them from indulging in resistance against the Israeli occupation shows the failure of the Laboratory Model. Finally\, Hever claimed that a study of Private Military & Security Companies (PMSCs) and the internal conflicts between Israeli security\, business\, and state elites are worth studying.  \n\nImad El-Anis shifted the discussion to “The Shifting Boundaries of Economic Integration in the Levant.” El-Anis raised a number of areas worth exploring with regards to economic integration in the Levant. He claimed that commercial institutions do not have the pacification effect\, but information and communication technology (ICT) development could be a driver of economic integration in the region. However\, ICT has been completely ignored in the region. El-Anis also alluded to the importance of special economic and infrastructure zones driven by resources\, such as the aquifer in south of Jordan. He claimed that such resources can serve as modes of cooperation\, reshaping the way production and trading is taking place. Among the topics that deserve studying is energy reserve discoveries in eastern Mediterranean. El-Anis argued that such discoveries are contentious\, exploited by Israel. Finally\, El-Anis claimed that the “pacifying effect” should be studying given that militarized interstate disputes need more attention given their impact on economic cooperation. \n\nLeading the discussion to another significant sub-region of the Middle East\, Mumtaz Hussain Shah presented on “The Puzzle of Foreign Direct Investments in North Africa.” Shah raised four important\, original research questions. The first question has to do with the puzzle of productivity spillover in North Africa. Second is: Why have not FDIs contribute to short-term economic growth? And how can this be solved? Third\, How do GCC states\, despite the structural economic impediments and heavy regulation of the market\, still increasingly receive FDIs? And what are the lessons learned for the Levant? Finally: How to make effective use of MNCs? Shah argued that there is not significant regional FDI investment in North Africa. Thorough and effective implementation of regional integration schemes\, third generation of trade elements\, investment in related expense\, introduction of investor-friendly policies and nondiscriminatory legal and ethical frameworks could significantly improve FDI in the region.   \n\nKian Tajbakhsh presented on “State Bureaucracy and Economy in Iran.” He claimed that the growth of state led developmentalism has been significant since the 1980s. Such phenomenon is not solely ostensible in Iran\, but across the Arab Middle East as well. However\, the lack of up-to-date data on the entire state bureaucracy remains an issue worth exploration. Tajbakhsh also alluded to the importance of studying performance and effectiveness of the state in economic growth\, service delivery\, human development\, etc. This discussion led to the question: How state-bureaucracy is designed at different scales? Finally\, Tajbakhsh argued that there is also a need to conduct a comparative analysis with other countries in the region to understand the impact of Iran’s theocratic system on the country’s economic system\, and which other state bureaucracies in the region are operating under similar paradigms.  \n\nIn sharpening the discussion on Iran\, Esfandyar Batmanghelidj discussed “Currency and Black Market Manipulation.” Batmanghelidj claimed that the Riyal has lost around seventy percent of its value. Such devaluation raises the questions: To what extent is such devaluation a result of sanctions or development policies? And what are the relationships between trade exchange rate and inflation in Iran? In addition\, given that oil revenue contributes substantially to Iran’s foreign currency reserves\, which is important for imports heavy industrialization\, sanctions on Iran’s sales of oil and gas has had an impact on foreign exchange\, and hence on the prices of goods in Iran. Germane to this discussion\, Batmanghelidj claimed that the Iranian Riyal is worthwhile for poor people. While for middle classes\, the pasture of currency exchange is much higher as they seek purchases of imported electronics\, automobiles\, etc. There is an assumption that devaluation can boost exports. However\, this does not hold under sanctions. Exporting of goods despite their low prices is not possible under sanction regimes. Batmanghelidj also highlighted that there are three different foreign currency exchange rates as result of the limited foreign currency reserves: one for essential goods\, another for other goods\, and third for hard currency at exchange shops. In addition to that\, rent seekers have manipulated this system to generate profit\, hence posing more challenge to importers. Finally\, Batmanghelidj concluded his presentation with two questions: How do sanctions put pressure of Iran’s foreign currency reserves? And how do domestic rent seekers respond to the depletion of foreign currency reserves? \n\nYousuf Al Balushi focused his presentation on “Development Policies in the Post-2011 GCC.” He argued that the GCC countries face a number of issues in implementing developmental policies. Among such issues are: the consistency of public policy to achieve development goals; weak economic leadership in the GCC; the economic structure in the GCC states and size of government; and rent-seeking behavior. Al Balushi argued that other structural impediments also have an impact on development policies in the GCC\, including: the state-business-society relations model\, government tenders and societal expectations; the lack of business-led development. Al Balushi concluded his presentation with emphasizing the need to empower that private sector through strategic partnership with the state. Such endeavor would increase production and exports\, which are fundamental to move toward more sustainable FDI mechanisms in the GCC. \n\nBuilding on Al Balushi’s presentation\, Ashraf Mishrif discussed “The Shifting Boundaries of Economic Integration in the GCC.” Mishrif kicked off his presentation by asking: Are we heading back towards globalization? With Brexit\, the failure of NAFTA to remain intact\, and the cracks in the GCC in light of the on-going crisis\, there is a need to re-examine the global economic structure. In this regard\, Mishrif raised the questions: Is the theory of regionalism still valid on the global scale? And what factors contribute toe the retreat of regionalism? There have been consistent setbacks in regionalism efforts in the GCC. This is ostensible in the common market endeavors. Inter-regional trade in the GCC suggests that regional integration in the GCC is marginal. It never amounted more than ten to eleven percent. In addition\, there have not been attempts to use common markets to enhance regional integration in the GCC. It was the United Arab Emirates that was defined as the gateway to the GCC\, leaving out other GCC member states. Hence\, the implementation of regional integration in the GCC is worth exploring. Mishrif argued that one problem with the GCC integration is the hierarchal structure of the organization\, starting with the General Secretariat that does very little in forming strategies. As for bureaucratic structure\, it has failed to claim supranational mandate that could drive economic cooperation among the member states. \n\nAnastasia Nosova concluded the working group discussion with her presentation on “Changes and Continuities in State-Business Relations Post-2011 Arab Uprisings: The Case of the GCC.” Nosova claimed that across the GCC\, there is a class of merchant elite that has disproportionate privileges\, and depends on the state. This class does not influence policies\, with exception of Oman and Kuwait to an extent. It also competes with the rest of society over resources. Since 2017\, state-business relations have appear to have gone through major transformation\, particularly evident in the case of Saudi Arabia. There is a transformation in the nature of business in the GCC from being in the hand of business families and few members of the ruling families to a state instrument of development. For the past two years\, contracts have been distributed on the basis of merit while previously these were awarded more on the basis of networks and connections between the state and business elites. Further studying this emerging trends in state-business relations in the GCC is critical and will be included in this project moving forward. \n\nTo view the working group agenda\, click hereTo read the participants’ biographies\, click hereRead more about this research initiative\n\nParticipants and Discussants:  \n\nAbdullah Al-Arian\, Georgetown University in QatarYousuf Al Balushi\, Central Bank of OmanAlanoud Al Maadeed\, Qatar UniversityZahra Babar\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarEsfandyar Batmanghelidj\, Bourse & Bazaar\, IranImad El-Anis\, Nottingham Trent University\, UKAhmed S. Hashim\, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies\, SingaporeIslam Hassan\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarShir Hever\, The Real News NetworkAngela Joya\, University of Oregon\, USMehran Kamrava\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarNatalie Koch\, Syracuse University\, USSuzi Mirgani\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarAshraf Mishrif\, Qatar UniversityAnastasia Nosova\, The Risk Advisory Group\, UKAbdul Rehmaan Qayyum\, Georgetown University in QatarKhushboo Shah\, Georgetown University in QatarMumtaz Hussain Shah\, University of Peshawar\, PakistanKian Tajbakhsh\, Columbia University\, USElizabeth Wanucha\, CIRS – Georgetown University in Qatar\n\nArticle by Islam Hassan\, Research Analyst at CIRS
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/political-economy-contemporary-middle-east-working-group-i/
CATEGORIES:Focused Discussions,Regional Studies
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