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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20170110T090000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20170111T170000
DTSTAMP:20260423T195213
CREATED:20170207T133103Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210901T095302Z
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SUMMARY:Climate Vulnerability in South Asia's Coastal Cities
DESCRIPTION:On January 10-11\, 2017\, urbanists\, governance experts\, and climate change specialists gathered in Doha for a two-day workshop co-hosted by the Strauss Center for International Security and Law at the University of Texas at Austin and the Center for International and Regional Studies at Georgetown University in Qatar to consider climate change vulnerability and governance in coastal cities of South Asia. \n\nTopics debated in the workshop include the nature and definition of various understandings of climate vulnerability\, the role that coastal geographies and ecologies play in exacerbating climate vulnerability\, the impacts of climate change on urban settlement and migration\, and the governance challenges faced by cities as they attempt (or in some cases do not attempt) to address their climate change vulnerabilities. The conversation was specifically designed to generate comparative discussion across coastal cities in the region with particular attention paid to coastal mega-cities of the region including Chennai\, Dhaka\, Karachi\, Kolkata\, and Mumbai. \n\nKey policy-relevant questions considered by the workshop participants include: \n\nHow should we understand climate-related vulnerability in South Asia’s changing urban context?How should we think about governance vulnerabilities as we contemplate climate hazards?In which ways will climate change transform the ways that coastal cities encounter their physical and governance environments?How will the anticipated phenomenon of mass displacement and migration challenge our accepted understandings of sovereignty and the protection missions of the state\, the city\, and the community?How does and should our understanding of the science of climate change affect the ways policy is developed across borders and governance systems?\n\nThe workshop was the latest in an ongoing series of conversations on this topic organized by Dr. Paula Newberg as part of the Strauss Center’s research initiative on Complex Emergencies and Political Stability in Asia (CEPSA). The research program explores the diverse forces that contribute to climate-related disaster vulnerability and complex emergencies in Asia\, the implications of such events for local and regional security\, and how investments in preparedness can minimize these impacts and build resilience. CEPSA is a multi-year initiative funded by the U.S. Department of Defense’s Minerva Initiative\, a university based\, social science research program focused on areas of strategic importance to national security policy. \n\nPlease click here to view Agenda \n\nParticipants and Discussants: \n\nKamran Asdar Ali\, University of TexasNausheen Anwar\, Institute of Business Administration\, KarachiZahra Babar\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarMisba Bhatti\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarSheryl Beach\, University of TexasTimothy Beach\, University of TexasSolomon Benjamin\, Indian Institute of Technology MadrasJason Cons\, University of TexasVinita Damodaran\, University of SussexRupali Gupte\, Collective Research Initiatives Trust\, MumbaiArif Hasan\, Architect\, Planner\, and Social Researcher\, KarachiIslam Hassan\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarIftekhar Iqbal\, Universiti Brunei Darussalam\, BangladeshGarima Jain\, India Institute for Human Settlements\, BengaluruMehran Kamrava\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarM. Hafijul Islam Khan\, International Centre for Climate Change and Development\, BangladeshMathangi Krishnamoorthy\, Indian Institute of Technology MadrasAnatol Lieven\, Georgetown University in QatarSohail Malik\, Innovative Development Strategies\, IslamabadPaula Newberg\, University of TexasMahesh Rajasekar\, Taru Leading Edge and Taru Research Information Network\, IndiaAsad Sayeed\, Collective for Social Science Research\, KarachiAli T. Sheikh\, Leadership for Environment and Development (LEAD)\, PakistanSam Tabory\, Chicago Council on Global AffairsClare Wait\, Georgetown University in QatarAdeel Zafar\, Simon Fraser University\, British Columbia
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/climate-vulnerability-south-asias-coastal-cities/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Environmental Studies
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20170115T090000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20170116T150000
DTSTAMP:20260423T195213
CREATED:20170219T114756Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210901T095254Z
UID:10001317-1484470800-1484578800@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:Middle Power Politics in the Middle East Working Group I
DESCRIPTION:On January 15-16\, 2017\, the Center for International and Regional Studies held a working group under its research initiative on “Middle Power Politics in the Middle East.” Over the course of two days\, participants identified key gaps in the literature on the international relations of the Middle East through the lens of middle power theory. The participants led discussions on a number of related subtopics\, including: Middle Eastern middle powers and the international system\, middle powers and the 2011 Arab uprisings\, domestic politics\, middle powers’ cooperation and competition\, humanitarian diplomacy\, norm entrepreneurship\, and conflict resolution and mediation. \n\nThe 2011 Arab uprisings have been an evolving moment of significance in the Middle East. While increasing domestic instability in some of the traditionally strong states led to a retraction in their capacity in international and regional affairs\, smaller states were suddenly given an opening for more prominent engagement. It remains to be seen whether these smaller states’ regional and international status-seeking endeavors are of a durable\, sustainable nature. During the working group\, scholars examined the post-2011 dynamics of the international relations in the Middle East through the lens of middle powers. \n\nThere is ambiguity in the scholarly literature in terms of providing an exact definition for middle power states\, and little work has been done on which states might qualify for middle power status within the context of the Middle East. The first topic discussed during the CIRS meeting revolved around the characteristics for determining whether\, or not\, a state is able to claim middle power status. These characteristics include\, among others\, states’ relative hard-power capabilities\, their capacity to exert influence over regional events\, their financial resources\, their institutional strength and bureaucratic capabilities\, and their relative autonomy. Participants also discussed common foreign policy features among Middle Eastern middle powers. These states tend to impact their immediate sphere\, are regional balancers\, have the capacity to bargain with super powers and great powers\, establish alliances with lesser powers\, and generally do not engage in warfare. Another issue in studying middle power politics in the Middle East is the limitations in middle power theory as to how it only focuses on the international hierarchal structure of power\, and disregards the multiple hierarchal substructures within the international order. In other words\, there are middle powers that pursue this role on the international level\, and others who pursue it only within their respective regions. This raises a number of questions: Should the Middle East be defined based on exceptionalism\, and thus needs a new definition of middle power? Can a middle power be a nondemocratic government\, and not a good global citizen\, such as in the Egyptian and Saudi cases? And do middle powers have to share similar pillars of foreign policy agendas? In other words\, is the concept of middle power theoretically so diverse as one\, for example\, cannot compare Iran to Australia as middle powers? \n\nSince status is a self-proclamation met with international recognition\, the interactions of Middle Eastern middle powers with extra-regional powers\, the expectations of global powers from middle powers in the region\, and Middle Eastern middle powers expectations from other global middle powers are all issues worth in-depth examination. Moreover\, the perceptions of middle powers in the Middle East with regard to international options\, especially with the rise of China\, Russia being a potential partner\, and the South-South relations\, remain profoundly understudied. \n\nWhen discussing how the Arab uprisings reconfigured the power relations of the Middle East\, it is evident that domestic dynamics impact foreign policy agendas. The post-2011 dynamics force us to reconsider traditionally understood conceptions of power\, state\, and sovereignty. The transnational impact of the Arab uprisings on middle powers in the region\, in terms of political ideologies and migration patterns\, have led to realignments of alliances. For example\, under the current Egyptian leadership\, President Abdel Fatah Al Sisi tried to pursue a balanced foreign policy by strengthening the Egyptian relations with Russia. In other incidents\, it revived rivalries\, such as the Saudi-Iranian case. The realignments and revival of animosities were results of discrepancies in regional actors’ rhetoric on the Arab uprisings. The discrepancies in rhetoric manifest the impact of agency on the identity of states\, especially in totalitarian regimes of the Middle East. The transitions in leadership in many countries of the region\, despite their various natures\, have re-shaped the foreign policy agendas not only of these states\, but also across the Middle East. United Arab Emirates is an example\, as the transition in leadership from Sheikh Zayed Al Nahyan to Sheikh Khalifa Al Nahyan was coupled with a transformation of Emirati foreign policy\, which became more assertive. \n\nAgency\, size\, and material capacity of middle powers matter in assessing their influence\, particularly as they are expected to take part in directly shaping the regional order\, and indirectly influencing the international order. Thus\, based on material capacity\, countries like Egypt\, Iran\, Turkey\, Saudi Arabia\, and the pre-2003 Iraq could be considered destined middle powers. Israel and Algeria may be considered middle powers; while countries like Qatar and UAE are influential regional actors. Some participants questioned the concept of “destined middle powers\,” suggesting that states should have an interest in seeking a middle power status in order to be one. This interest should not be only expressed by the political leadership\, but also supported by cohesive centers of power within the state\, and commended by the public. A mismatch between interests of the leadership and its constituencies impacts the country’s ability to claim a specific status in the regional or international order. If the leadership fabricates a state identity that does not fit with the public narrative\, tensions in the foreign policy of the state are inevitable. Therefore\, material capacity and interest in seeking a middle power status are both indispensible. \n\nFurthermore\, colonial legacies have impacted states interests and public narratives. For example\, Algerian foreign policy is an extension of its nationalist movement that\, for years\, fought for independence. These colonial experiences encourage states to avoid conceding sovereignty to regional alliances that may hinder their status and influence. The UAE\, as an example\, sought an independent foreign policy agenda to escape the Saudi hegemony over the Gulf Cooperation Council. At the same time\, Middle Eastern middle powers tolerate alliances that may support their regional activism and competitions. Delving deeper in the Saudi hegemony over the GCC\, one can see that Middle Eastern middle powers act differently through regional organizations than other middle powers as they aim to dominate rather than collaborate. However\, economic interdependence among Middle Eastern middle powers has been the key to cooperation. \n\nNorm entrepreneurship activities of Middle Eastern middle powers are critical in studying middle power politics in the Middle East. Humanitarian diplomacy has been a prominent form of norm entrepreneurship exercised by middle powers across the world. When it comes to the Middle East\, there has been Western scrutiny and skepticism on Middle Eastern charity organizations’ activities\, especially after the September 11 attacks. This has impacted not only humanitarian diplomacy of individual countries\, but also regional organizations\, such as the Organization of the Islamic Conference\, as member states scaled back their charity activities to avoid accusations of supporting terrorism. This has impacted Middle Eastern states that seek a middle power status by using philanthropy as a way to project themselves as global good citizens. \n\nMiddle Eastern middle powers have also pursued other forms of norm entrepreneurship\, such as conflict resolution and mediation. Since being involved in mediation is a key component of the behavioral definition of middle powers\, Middle Eastern middle powers (and aspiring middle powers) have acted as active mediators and honest brokers. However\, the Middle East is not an ideal setting for studying norm-driven mediation for three main reasons. First\, there is a scarcity of comprehensive agreements and a tendency to only perpetuate ceasefires. Second\, oil-rich countries of the Middle East seeking middle power status have relied only on incentive-diplomacy\, which is not viable in ongoing diplomatic crises. Third\, there is an ostensible weakness of multilateral settings and institutions in the Middle East. \n\nFinally\, why do countries seek a middle power status? There are not necessarily common motivations among states to pursue a middle power status. Each state has its own domestic\, regional\, and international dynamics at play driving its pursuit for a middle power status. Some states pursue status-seeking endeavors as a legitimization strategy. Claiming a higher status in the international or regional order induces the public and helps in preempting the spillover of instability to the country\, as in the case of the UAE. It also drives attention away from domestic challenges affecting the public such as low GDP\, youth population bulges\, and budget deficit\, such as the case in Saudi Arabia. \n\nAt the end of the working group\, Mehran Kamrava\, Director of CIRS\, concluded the session with emphasis on the contribution of the working group discussions to the literature on middle power politics\, to be published in an edited volume in the near future. \n\nPlease click here to view the AgendaRead more about this research initiative \n\nParticipants and Discussants: \n\nZahra Babar\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarJonathan Benthall\, University College LondonSuleyman Elik\, Istanbul Medeniyet UniversityIslam Hassan\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarMehran Kamrava\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarSimon Mabon\, Lancaster UniversityImad Mansour\, Qatar UniversityRobert Mason\, American University in CairoSuzi Mirgani\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarMarco Pinfari\, American University in CairoAmin Saikal\, Australian National UniversityAdham Saouli\, University of St. AndrewsNael Shama\, University of St. AndrewsJackie Starbird\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarElizabeth Wanucha\, CIRS – Georgetown University in QatarYahia Zoubir\, KEDGE Business School\, France\n\nArticle by Islam Hassan\, Research Analyst at CIRS
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/middle-power-politics-middle-east-working-group-i/
CATEGORIES:Focused Discussions,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20170119T123000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20170119T133000
DTSTAMP:20260423T195213
CREATED:20170126T123945Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240314T093927Z
UID:10001315-1484829000-1484832600@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:CIRS Screens Suzi Mirgani's Short Film Caravan
DESCRIPTION:Award-winning filmmaker Suzi Mirgani recently hosted a screening of her latest work\, titled Caravan\, to an audience of students\, staff\, faculty\, and guests at Georgetown University in Qatar (GU-Q). The short film\, which premiered at the Doha Film Institute’s Ajyal Youth Film Festival late last year\, tells the story of members of a cross-section of Qatari society stuck in a traffic jam. \n \n \nMirgani\, who is the manager and editor for publications at GU-Q’s Center for International and Regional Studies (CIRS)\, also used the screening as opportunity to share more about the production and themes in the work. The five-minute long short film\, which was shot on location at The Pearl Qatar\, took a day to film and more than two months to prepare for. It depicts a type of lyrical relay\, as the camera zooms in and out of the stationary cars. The voices and thoughts of drivers and passengers stuck in the traffic jam play out in a stream of consciousness style. \n \n \nIn the film\, the actors are located on a literal bridge to nowhere\, as the end of the road disappears into the sand. Mirgani explained that this can be seen to symbolize a path from prosperity to nothing\, as construction is still underway on the man-made island. The mix of built and unbuilt can also be viewed as a metaphor for the rapidly developing country\, and its often transient residents. “If you give in to the traffic jam\, it can be a space of reflection\,” said Mirgani. \n \n \nFeaturing vehicles filled with taxi drivers\, tourists\, and families (speaking languages ranging from Arabic to Tagalog and Urdu)\, the film represented the range of nationalities\, interests\, and languages present in Qatar. “This film was a reflection of what I see on a daily basis\,” said Mirgani. \n \n \nThe CIRS researcher\, who has edited and written numerous books on topics ranging from food security in the Middle East to media and politics\, is also the director of 2014’s Hind’s Dream. That film won the jury award for artistic vision at the 2014 Ajyal Film Festival\, and has screened at film festivals around the world. \n \n \nArticle by Lauren Granger\, Georgetown University in Qatar Media Writer
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/cirs-screens-suzi-mirganis-short-film-caravan/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Race & Society,Regional Studies
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20170129T090000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20170130T170000
DTSTAMP:20260423T195213
CREATED:20170319T080304Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240314T093919Z
UID:10001319-1485680400-1485795600@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:Highly Skilled Migrants: The Gulf and Global Perspectives Working Group II
DESCRIPTION:On January 29-30 2017\, the Center for International and Regional Studies (CIRS) hosted a working group on “Highly Skilled Migrants: The Gulf and Global Perspectives.” This working group took place under a broader joint research project on Highly Skilled Migrants in Qatar which was launched last year by Zahra Babar\, CIRS Associate Director\, and two co-collaborators\, Nabil Khattab of the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies\, and Michael Ewers of Qatar University’s Social and Economic Survey Research Institute. A number of scholars with regional and global experience on the topic of skilled migration were invited to present their articles during the two-day meeting\, and receive feedback from the group. The topics discussed in the working group included\, among others: “involuntary immobility” of highly skilled migrants in Qatar; the impact of highly skilled migrants on GCC economies; structural factors and recruitment of highly skilled migrants in the GCC; transition from oil- to knowledge-based economies; categories\, visa classes and visa programs of skilled migrants; integration in the workplace; and the global competition amongst different countries seeking to attract highly skilled migrants. \n \n \nZahra Babar\, Michael Ewers and Nabil Khattab started the discussion by presenting their article on “Immobile Highly Skilled Migrants in Qatar.” In investigating the motivations and experiences of highly skilled migrants in Qatar\, the authors analyze the results of a nationally representative survey of 300 high-skilled expatriates in Qatar\, as well key-informant interviews with 32 individuals. During their presentation\, the authors presented their data and suggested that given the research carried out\, it could be argued that under certain circumstances highly skilled migrants might become “involuntarily immobile” in Qatar. The authors suggest that under the restrictive migration regulations present in Qatar\, certain groups of highly-skilled migrants face conditions of involuntary immobility\, as they are unable to switch jobs easily either for professional advancement or to escape unsatisfying work experiences. This research study also explores the relationship between highly skilled migrants’ countries of origin\, and their experiences in Qatar\, particularly their motivations for coming here and for staying. Some of the data collected demonstrate that instability\, conflict\, and insecurity at home for certain Arab communities of highly skilled workers in Qatar means that they are also made involuntarily immobile as they cannot return home or move to resettle in a third country. \n \n \nMartin Hvidt led a discussion on the subject of the impact of highly skilled migrants on the economies of the Gulf States. Hividt’s paper addresses the actual and potential contribution of highly skilled migrants to the growth of the Gulf states. He explores the nexus between economic growth in the Gulf States and immigration of highly skilled migrants. While it is nearly impossible to document the actual impact on the economy of this group of migrants due to lack of data\, Hividt analyzes and identifies not only the potential positive contributions the highly skilled migrants have\, but focuses closely on the barriers embodied in the policies that manage the intake and labor market conditions of the migrants. \n \n \nFrancoise De Bel-Air presented her research article that focuses on the structural factors in the GCC which are spurring policy changes for highly skilled migrants. De Bel-Air shared data on the characteristics and backgrounds of highly skilled migrants working in the GCC\, using available demographic and labor force surveys available for various states. De Bel-Air also reviewed the policy framework adopted for highly skilled workers in the region\, and particularly certain reforms that have been implemented since the late 2000s. De Bel-Air stressed that policies have developed and been influenced along three pillars of economization\, securitization\, and management of migration. Del Bel Air concluded by suggesting that there are structural explanations for the reforms of migration policies and the way they directly impact or do not impact highly skilled professionals in the region. \n \n \nBinod Khadria’s article shifted the discussions to “Transition from Oil- to Knowledge-Economies and Indian Student Mobilities to the Gulf: Education Cities in Three GCC Counties.” In his paper\, Khadria examines the transition of GCC countries from oil-economies to knowledge-economies. He analyzes this transition by tracing the development of four educational cities in four GCC cities: Doha in Qatar\, Dubai and Abu Dhabi in UAE and Jeddah in Saudi Arabia. Khadria argues that the transition economies of the three countries are trying to tackle their worsening balance of trade arising from the decline in export of oil and natural gas in recent years. In doing so\, he analyzes two trends: expansion in the number of Indian students in foreign universities in the GCC countries; and deepening of the foreign direct investment (FDI) in the education sector in the aforementioned cities. \n \n \nBuilding up on Khadria’s article\, Payal Banerjee led a discussion on “Skilled Migration: Categories\, Visa Classes and Visa Programs.” Banerjee offered an introductory analysis of the different visa classes and typologies\, the skilled/unskilled dyad in particular\, to investigate how the reification and normalization of “skilled immigration\,” as a category\, result in very troubling outcomes. She argued that once a motif classification gets cemented on the basis of the absence or presence to skills/education\, immigrants’ entitlements\, legitimacy\, and success and failure get calibrated on the basis of individual characteristics. This obfuscates the salience of racially coded structural inequality that is evidenced in a number of recent studies\, which document skilled immigrants’ downward occupational mobility and various forms of marginalization\, despite educational qualification and language skills. Furthermore\, Banerjee claimed that the skilled/unskilled binary detracts from analyzing the role of immigration/visa policies in the production of tenuous legal status\, which results in immigrants’ exploitation and vulnerability\, in the low-wage as well as skilled\, high-wage sectors. \n \n \nIn her presentation\, Micheline van Riemsdijk discussed “Integration of Highly Skilled Migrants in the Workplace: A Multi-Scalar Model.” She argued that skilled migrants are often expected to adapt easily to the host culture based on their social\, cultural\, and human capital. However\, these migrants experience integration challenges that have been little addressed in the literature. Using a case study of foreign-born engineers in the Norwegian oil and gas industry\, van Riemsdijk proposed a multi-scalar conceptual framework to examine the integration of skilled migrants in the workplace. She combined literature on immigrant integration and diversity management with data from interviews and a survey of foreign-born engineers. The framework van Riemsdijk developed serves as a tool to move beyond single-scale\, unidirectional studies of immigrant integration toward a multi-scalar\, inter-linked conceptualization of the integration of skilled migrants. \n \n \nFinally\, Lucie Cerna and Mathias Czaika’s article steered the discussion to investigate the “Rising Stars in the Global Race for Talent? A Comparative Analysis of Brazil\, India\, and Malaysia.” The article examines how emerging economies increase their attractiveness for international talent. In order to analyze the strategies of the “global South” to attract or retain high-skilled people\, the authors focus on the three emerging economies: Brazil\, India\, and Malaysia. Based on 15 expert interviews in these countries\, the authors describe the short-term practices and long-term strategies of these three countries in reversing the brain drain by recruiting and retaining highly skilled workers. They argue that while Malaysia has become an active player and innovator on the international talent recruitment market\, the other two countries still consider themselves as “self-sufficient” by relying either on their domestic skill supply or on engaging with their skilled diaspora in the case of India. Finally\, the authors argue that despite the rising demand for human capital in these three countries\, which are at different stages in a “migration policy transition\,” they still lack sufficient legal\, administrative and economic provisions to bring in skilled foreign workers in significant numbers. \n \n \nAt the conclusion of the meeting\, Babar\, Ewers\, and Khattab highlighted that the original contributions of the group’s articles to the existing literature would greatly expand the scholarly lens on highly skilled migrants\, moving it outside the traditional focus on OECD countries. The articles are due to be published in a special issue of a journal in the near future. \n \n \n  \n \n \n\nSee the working group agenda here\nRead the participants’ biographies here\nRead more about this research initiative\n\n \nParticipants and Discussants: \n \n \n\nZahra Babar\, CIRS – Georgetown University in Qatar\nPayal Banerjee\, Smith College\nLucie Cerna\, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)\nAmanda Chisholm\, Newcastle University\nFrançoise De Bel-Air\, Gulf Research Center\, Geneva\, and the European University Institute\nMichael Ewers\, SESRI\, Qatar University\nIslam Hassan\, CIRS – Georgetown University in Qatar\nMartin Hvidt\, University of Southern Denmark\nMehran Kamrava\, CIRS – Georgetown University in Qatar\nNabil Khattab\, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies\nSuzi Mirgani\, CIRS – Georgetown University in Qatar\nJackie Starbird\, CIRS – Georgetown University in Qatar\nMicheline van Riemsdijk\, University of Tennessee Knoxville\nElizabeth Wanucha\, CIRS – Georgetown University in Qatar\n\n \n  \n \n \nArticle by Islam Hassan\, Research Analyst at CIRS
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/highly-skilled-migrants-gulf-and-global-perspectives-working-group-ii/
CATEGORIES:Focused Discussions,Race & Society,Regional Studies
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