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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160403T090000
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DTSTAMP:20260407T040958
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SUMMARY:Geopolitics of Natural Resources in the Middle East Working Group Meeting II
DESCRIPTION:On April 3-4\, 2016\, CIRS held a second working group under its research initiative on “Geopolitics of Natural Resources in the Middle East.” On the course of two days\, working group participants presented draft papers on a number of related topics including\, amongst other things\, on the politics of natural resources in the Middle East; scarcity and economic development; environmental and social mobilization; the securitization of natural resources in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states; “greening” policies in the Arab states of the Persian Gulf; Tunisian phosphate mining; coastal sand mining in Morocco; piracy and illegal fishing in Somali territorial waters; and illegal charcoal trafficking from Africa to the GCC states. \n\nGeorgetown University’s Harry Verhoeven initiated the group discussion by suggesting that there are three principal paradigms that can serve as a guiding analytical framework through which we can study the politics of natural resources within the Middle East. The first is a fundamentally positivist approach\, which conceives of the natural world as a separate realm that is disconnected from the actions of human beings. Within this framework\, politics is withdrawn from the equation\, and development and environment can be reconciled\, particularly through technological intervention and innovation. A second paradigm is resoundingly negativist and Malthusian\, conceiving of human behavior as ultimately destructive in relation to the environment. A third paradigm suggests that human society and the environment are inexorably entwined; and thus\, any conversation concerning the environment is fundamentally political. \n\nFollowing Verhoeven’s largely theoretical discussion\, Wessel Vermuelen presented a paper titled “Scarcity Derives Economic Development: The Effect of Energy Subsidies on Export Diversification in the Middle East.” Vermuelen tests the effect of energy subsidies on export diversification\, particularly focusing on varieties of exports\, and the number of export destinations. His research points out that energy subsidy reform remains a critical challenge in many developing countries\, and particularly within the Middle East and North Africa. Subsidy reform is considered difficult to implement due to resistance from both the general population and the private sector. However\, over the longer term\, reductions in energy subsidies remain inevitable if the Middle Eastern states are economically integrated with the rest of the world and advanced economies in particular. \n\nBuilding on Vermuelen’s paper\, Jeannie Sowers offered an examination of “The Evolution of Environmental and Social Mobilization in the Middle East.” Through her research Sowers explores the changes and continuities in patterns of environmental mobilization as seen across the region. Sowers situates Middle Eastern environmental mobilization within broader studies of activism\, social mobilization\, and state-society relations. Her analysis draws attention to existing structural economic and ecological challenges across the region\, and discusses which of these have proved more salient to environmental activism. Sowers also identifies the dominant forms of environmental mobilization seen in the Middle East\, from the popular campaign (hamla)\, to the state-donor project (mashru’)\, as well as the mobilization driven by NGOs. In her paper\, Sowers draws on the popular environmental campaigns that occurred in Egypt and Lebanon. \n\nJill Crystal shifted the group’s focus to the Arabian Peninsula\, presenting a paper on “Securitization of Natural Resources in the Gulf.” Crystal examines the political construction of a broad security framework in the GCC states insofar as natural resources are concerned. She argues that when the GCC’s critical energy infrastructure was threatened by terrorism\, governments created a language of anti-terrorism and developed a discourse of securitization to frame energy resources. After the Arab uprisings\, new modes of authoritarian behavior have been observed across the region\, and the securitization discourse has infiltrated a number of domains. Amongst other things\, in her paper Crystal argues that the historical trade-off between political quiescence and economic satisfaction has been replaced by political quiescence in exchange for security. \n\nAli Al-Keblawy sharpened the focus on the Arab states of the Persian Gulf further through his paper “The Greening of the Gulf\,” in which he claims that the landscape and vegetation of deserts in the Arab states of the Persian Gulf have been significantly altered during the last fifty years by a variety of factors. These factors include: livestock grazing\, off-road vehicle use\, urbanization and its attendants\, oil exploration and production activities\, and introduction of exotic species. Several other factors have slowed natural recovery of the desert vegetation after disturbance\, some of the most notable of which include unpredictability and scarcity of rainfall\, repeated drought\, extreme high temperatures\, intense sun light\, high wind storms\, and the low fertility of desert soils. However\, many of the Arab states of the Persian Gulf paid too much attention to the recovery and greening of the deteriorated landscapes. Al-Keblawy argued that working with\, not against\, the harsh conditions of the environment would help in creating a sustainable green landscape. He suggests a number of alternatives that include\, among others\, plantation of native trees\, genetic modification of crops\, sea watering\, and usage of halophytes. \n\nAnother paper\, by Abbas Maleki\, focused on “The Politics of Natural Resources in the Caspian Sea.” Maleki claims that the Caspian region today is a zone of interest to the United States\, Russia\, European Union\, China\, Turkey\, Japan\, Iran and India\, largely because of its promising oil and gas resources. These resources exceed those of the North Sea. Under the bottom of this trans-boundary body of water\, which is the largest lake in the world\, there is four percent of the world gas and oil reserves. Given the amount of oil and gas reserves\, Maleki argues that the geo-economic power has not fully surpassed more traditional\, military control of territory in this context\, which continues to be complex on several geopolitical scale. In his paper\, he studies the geopolitics\, ecosystem\, energy politics and economics\, and legal debates insofar as the natural resources in the Caspian Sea are concerned. \n\nFrancis Ghiles and Eckart Woertz’s contribution focused on “Tunisian Phosphates and the Politics of the Periphery.” In their paper\, the authors presented a historic overview of Tunisian phosphate mining and its role in regional development. They also analyzed the politics of Tunisia’s periphery\, Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail’s role within it\, and the emergence of new social actors. They presented a detailed examination of how such conflicts played out during the strikes in the phosphate mines in 2008 and after 2011\, concluding with some thoughts on possible future developments. \n\nMaria Snoussi provided a critical review on coastal sand mining in Morocco through her paper on “The State\, Business\, and Morocco’s Environmental Strains: The Case of Coastal Sand Mining.” Snoussi investigates the main causes that have impeded the authorities to effectively manage sand mining. She argues that these causes lie in the lack of comprehensive and integrated policies governing coastal sand resources\, and the weakness and lack of enforcement of legal frameworks. This is compounded by a shortsighted vision on the potential value of the coast as a natural capital. Finally\, Snoussi argues that only a decisive policy shift toward resource conservation\, integrated coastal zone management\, and legal reforms regarding sand mining could lead to a different outcome. \n\nAfyare Abdi Elmi led a discussion on his research on “Piracy and Illegal Fishing from Somalia to the Middle East.” Elmi argues that Somalia’s territorial waters are of critical importance and that seventy percent of the Middle East’s transit goes through the Gulf of Aden. Elmi points out that the piracy that has been dominating Somali waters is rooted in a previous history of illegal fishing from vessels originating from Yemen\, Iran\, and other Middle East countries. Elmi provides a deep analysis of the political and economic explanations and consequences of the causes of piracy\, the links to illegal fishing\, as well as how this particular political economy is connected to the Middle East. His research suggests five principal causes: statelessness or weak statehood; profit; business opportunities; illegal overfishing; and toxic waste material dumping. \n\nFinally\, Illyaa Gridneff shared the findings on “Illegal Charcoal Trafficking in the Middle East.” Gridneff has investigated the economic and environmental consequences of the illegal charcoal trade in Somalia that have led to political tensions on the local\, regional and international levels. His work suggests that illegal charcoal trade links Somalia to the Middle East and particularly Arab states of the Persian Gulf. In southern Somalia\, acacia tress have been cut and burned to create charcoal and subsequently exported to the Arab states of the Persian Gulf. The demand for Somali charcoal\, which is one of the world’s finest\, and the income that comes with it\, has led to competition over influence in Somalia between African Union forces and neighboring countries on the one hand\, and aboriginal forces in Somalia\, Al Shabab\, on the other. The Somali charcoal trade\, a source of income to Al Shabab\, constitutes an environmental as well as a political and security threat to both Somalia as well as to the broader Middle East and Africa regions. \n\nSee the meeting agendaRead participant biographiesRead more about this research initiative \n\nParticipants and Discussants: \n\nZahra Babar\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarJill Crystal\, Auburn UniversityAli El-Keblawy\, University of SharjahAfyare A. Elmi\, Qatar UniversityFrancis Ghilès\, Barcelona Center for International Affairs (Cidob)Ilya Gridneff\, Sahan ResearchIslam Hassan\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarMehran Kamrava\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarUmber Latafat\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarAbbas Maleki\, Sharif University of Technology in TehranSuzi Mirgani\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarMaria Snoussi\, Université Mohammed V\, MoroccoJeannie Sowers\, University of New HampshireHarry Verhoeven\, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarWessel N. Vermeulen\, University of OxfordElizabeth Wanucha\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\n\nArticle by Islam Hassan\, Research Analyst at CIRS
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/geopolitics-natural-resources-middle-east-working-group-meeting-ii/
CATEGORIES:American Studies,Environmental Studies,Focused Discussions,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160405T180000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160405T190000
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SUMMARY:The Impossibility of Palestine: History\, Geography and the Road Ahead
DESCRIPTION:Mehran Kamrava\, Professor and Director of the Center for International and Regional Studies at the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\, delivered a CIRS Monthly Dialogue lecture to discuss the findings of his most recent book\, The Impossibility of Palestine: History\, Geography and the Road Ahead (Yale University Press\, 2016)\, on April 5\, 2016. Explaining why he felt the need to write this book\, Kamrava said that what he had learnt about Palestine as a student and professor of the Middle East bore little resemblance to the reality of what he experienced when he began conducting fieldwork in Palestine. He recalled this disconnect by noting\, “I was immediately struck\, while I was on the ground\, by the inconsistency between my own assumptions—what I had studied and what I had thought about over the years—and the reality on the ground.” Kamrava argued that the Oslo Accords\, an exciting development in the stalemate of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict\, offered little to alleviate the struggle of Palestinians and lead to further entrenchment of the continued struggle raging on the ground. \n \n \nIntroducing the thesis of his book\, Kamrava explained: “If you think about Palestinian history\, Palestinian society\, and Palestinian politics\, a Palestinian state is impossible. The realities on the ground as they have unfolded have made a Palestinian state impossible and improbable.” However\, he continued by saying “a Palestinian nation\, or\, more specifically\, a Palestinian national identity will continue to live on and will be extremely vibrant. In fact\, the vibrancy of Palestinian identity—of what it is to be Palestinian lies largely because of the impossibility of the Palestinian state.” \n \n \n \n\n\n\n\n\n \n \n \nIn order to examine this thesis more closely\, Kamrava adumbrated three complicated reasons that have made a Palestinian state impossible. The first of these is a result of the complex political forces that have shaped Palestinian history and continue to dictate its current predicament and future direction. Within this category\, Kamrava examined four subsets of these political dynamics\, including Israel’s military and territorial conquest and defeat of an ill-equipped Palestine in 1948; the subsequent decades of Israel’s ethnic cleansing of Palestinians through outright violence as well as through “legal” administrative policies resulting in the stealthy “silent transfer” of Palestinian communities from their historical homelands; the systematic defeat of Palestinian armed struggle taken up since the 1970s; and\, finally\, the international community’s betrayal of the Palestinian leadership in the aftermath of the Oslo Accords. \n \n \nThe second reason for the impossibility of Palestine\, Kamrava explained\, is due to the debilitating geographic segregations introduced after the Oslo Accords. Palestinian mobility became increasingly restricted with the division of the West Bank into three separate territories: Area A\, under Palestinian control; Area B\, under Israeli military control and Palestinian civil and administrative control; and Area C\, under complete Israeli control. “This\,” he said\, “is result of the Oslo Accords. This is the Palestine that the Palestinian leadership agreed to.” These political dynamics conspired to divide Palestinian territories into a series of dysfunctional and ungovernable entities\, thus disempowering Palestinian resistance to Israeli occupation and undermining any notion of a future Palestinian state. \n \n \nThe third\, and most consequential\, reason for the impossibility of a Palestinian state is the critical changes that have been taking place in Palestinian society\, and the multiple factions therein. Kamrava stated that\, despite their eagerness to offer assistance\, a multitude of civil society and non-governmental organizations have\, in many ways\, hampered the constitution of a Palestinian state. While these organizations have often been supportive\, they are\, ultimately\, beholden to their foreign funders\, who then dictate where support can be given and where it should be withheld. Many of these decisions have been politically motivated\, seriously curtailing the areas in which civil society organizations are allowed to operate. Over the years\, the proliferation of such organizations has meant that non-governmental support has developed its own type of bureaucratic bankruptcy. Kamrava explained that “with unintended consequences\, Palestinian society\, today\, in the West Bank and to a lesser extent in Gaza\, has become paralyzed because of the work of these civil society organizations.” \n \n \nKamrava concluded with what the road ahead might look like for Palestine\, and offered three possible scenarios for the future of Palestine. The first of these is the model of a national rebirth in the wake of almost total annihilation\, similar to Poland in the post-WWII period; the second is a model in which a nation is overtaken almost entirely by another civilization\, similar to modern-day Tibet; and\, finally\, the third is a model in which a community of people are deliberately segregated into islands of deprivation\, similar to the dispossession of native populations in America and Australia. \n \n \nMehran Kamrava is Professor and Director of the Center for International and Regional Studies at Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service in Qatar. He is the author of a number of journal articles and books\, including\, most recently\, The Impossibility of Palestine: History\, Geography\, and the Road Ahead (2016); Qatar: Small State\, Big Politics (2015); The Modern Middle East: A Political History since the First World War\, 3rd ed. (2013); and Iran’s Intellectual Revolution (2008). His edited books include Fragile Politics: Weak States in the Greater Middle East (2016); Beyond the Arab Spring: The Evolving Ruling Bargain in the Middle East (2015); The Political Economy of the Persian Gulf (2012);  The Nuclear Question in the Middle East (2012); and The International Politics of the Persian Gulf (2011). \n \n \n  \n \n \nArticle by Suzi Mirgani\, Manager and Editor for CIRS Publications
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/impossibility-palestine-history-geography-and-road-ahead/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160418T180000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160418T200000
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SUMMARY:CIRS Hosts Reception for Dean Nonneman
DESCRIPTION:CIRS hosted a reception for Gerd Nonneman\, dean of Georgetown University in Qatar\, on April 18\, 2016. The reception was attended by Georgetown University in Qatar faculty\, students\, and staff\, as well as members of the Qatar community\, including diplomats\, community leaders\, and invited members of the general public. Gerd Nonneman served as dean of Georgetown University in Qatar for five years\, a period in which he oversaw a series of institutional developments leading to an expansion of the Qatar campus\, an increase in specialized faculty\, establishment of the Arabic heritage program\, and sustained community engagement. Although Nonneman is stepping down as dean of the university\, he will return to Georgetown University in Qatar as a professor and researcher in the coming academic year. \n \n \nDr. Gerd Nonneman\, Professor of International Relations & Gulf Studies\, holds an M.A. in Middle East Politics (1985) and Ph.D. in Politics (1993) from the University of Exeter. He also holds Licentiates in Oriental Philology (Arabic) (1980) and Development Studies (1981) from the University of Ghent\, Belgium. Prior to his appointment as dean\, he served as Professor of International Relations & Middle East Politics\, and Al-Qasimi Professor of Gulf Studies at the University of Exeter\, where he has also directed the Institute of Arab & Islamic Studies and the Center for Gulf Studies. A former Executive Director of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (BRISMES)\, he is also a Council member of the World Congress for Middle Eastern Studies (WOCMES). Aside from his academic work\, he has worked in the private sector in the Gulf region\, and acted as a consultant to a range of companies\, NGOs\, governments and international institutions. Dean Nonneman is Associate Editor of the Journal of Arabian Studies (Routledge). Among his recent publications are: Al-Mamlaka Al-‘arabiyya al-sa’udiyya fi-l-mizan [Saudi Arabia in the Balance] (updated Arabic edition: Beirut: Center for Arab Unity Studies\, 2012); ‘Yemen\, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States: Elite Politics\, Street Protests and Regional Diplomacy’ (Chatham House\, 2011); ‘Europe\, the US\, and the Gulf after the Cold War’\, in V. Mauer & D. Möckli (eds.)\, European-American Relations and the Middle East: From Suez to Iraq (Routledge\, 2010); ‘Terrorism and Political Violence in the Middle East and North Africa: Drivers and Limitations’\, in A. Siniver (ed.)\, International Terrorism post 9/11 (Routledge\, 2010); ‘Political Reform in the Gulf Monarchies: From Liberalisation to Democratisation? A Comparative Perspective’\, in A. Ehteshami & S. Wright (eds.)\, Reform in the Middle East Oil Monarchies (Reading: Ithaca Press\, 2008); Saudi Arabia in the Balance: Political Economy\, Society\, Foreign Affairs (New York University Press\, 2006); ‘EU-GCC Relations’\, (Gulf Research Center\, 2006); and Analyzing Middle East Foreign Policies (Routledge\, 2005).
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/cirs-hosts-reception-dean-nonneman/
CATEGORIES:Distingushed Lectures
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