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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160306T090000
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SUMMARY:Pluralism and Community in the Middle East Working Group Meeting I
DESCRIPTION:On March 6–7\, 2016\, the Center for International and Regional Studies (CIRS) held a working group on “Pluralism and Community in the Middle East.” Over the course of two days\, a number of distinguished scholars discussed issues related to ethno-linguistic and religious pluralism in the Middle East\, identified gaps in the existing literature\, and pointed to potential areas of original research. Amongst the various topics discussed\, Working Group participants examined pluralism and diversity as represented through governance and legal regimes; social inclusion/exclusion and policymaking; the role and symbolism of iconoclasm in the Middle East; architecture\, the urban space\, and identity; digital culture\, political communication and regional notions of “multiculturalism;” language; and literature and cultural representation. Two specific case studies\, the Amazighs and Armenian Christians\, were also discussed. \n \n \nThe Middle East’s pluralistic social and political fabric has gone through several historical changes\, and ethnicity\, religion\, language\, and political ideologies play pivotal roles in contemporary identity affiliations across the region. \n \n \nNational and regional conflicts often intensify subnational identities\, and this has especially been the case in the Middle East over the last several years. Working Group participants identified a series of original areas of research regarding the on-going intensification of identities in the Middle East\, including the relationship between the conceptions of the state and inclusion of some identity groups and the exclusion of others; the impact of globalization and transnational communities; the historical legacy of the Ottoman millet system; sectarianism in the post-Arab Spring era; the role of intellectuals and social media in identity formation; and the underlying causes and consequences of increasing religiosity. \n \n \nGovernance and state policies impact the social\, economic\, and political inclusion or exclusion of communities in the Middle East. Working Group participants discussed the multiple linkages between statehood and identity-formation in the Middle East. They questioned the relationship between communities and sites of power; and challenges international law’s values and principles pose on states’ traditional governance. The participants also discussed topics related to the parallel development of local human rights traditions along with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a sort of self-determination in the decision-making processes\, and the role of state institutions in enforcing social harmonization and cohesiveness. \n \n \nState policies dealing with education\, families\, kinship and law\, mobility of labor and capital can directly impact social inclusion and exclusion. In recent years\, state policies have greatly impacted foreign\, national and private educational institutions. Although this is not unique to the Middle East\, there is limited literature on the notions of inclusion and exclusion in Middle Eastern educational curriculums. The relationship between policymaking and ways in which families are being constructed also has direct bearing on education. The participants claimed that the nature of communities’ relations both with each other and the state could be seen as a result of exclusionary and inclusionary policies. In addition\, the participants discussed issues related to mobility of people and ideas\, social representation in the education system\, globalization\, and war on terror and school curriculum in the Middle East. \n \n \nModern nation-building processes began roughly in the middle of the twentieth century in several states of the Middle East\, such as Egypt and Iraq. Driven by ideology\, politics and religious beliefs\, states\, and recently non-state actors like ISIS\, have used iconoclasm as a tool to limit the multiple identities within the nation state\, and reinforce a monolithic identity. The practice of iconoclasm has impacted the material culture and visual heritage of the different religious and ethno-linguistic communities that comprise the region’s demography. Archeological negligence\, and inconsiderate urban planning have also contributed to this erasure of visual pluralism. In addition\, participants also discussed the role of social media\, media and film in encouraging and countering iconoclasm in the Middle East. \n \n \nUrban spaces in the Middle East have been going through swift progression in some countries\, and massive urban decay in others. Master planning of urban spaces is very politicized in the Middle East\, with various socio-economic drivers and consequences. The planning of gated and smart cities\, and new capitals segregates communities by nationality\, class\, ethnicity\, and religion. The participants posed questions related to the definition of public good\, social representation in master planning\, public contestation\, access to public information\, democratic decentralization\, communities’ quarters\, gentrification of communities\, security\, citizenship\, and urban equality and inequality. \n \n \nMedia is a tool of communication greatly influenced by states in the Middle East. It propagates certain convictions insofar as religious and ethno-linguistic communities in the Middle East are concerned. The participants identified four main topics that are insufficiently researched: labor and digital media; citizenship; border; and knowledge production. Within these four main topics\, questions around the usage of media by migrant workers and expatriates in the Gulf\, redesigning of borders\, under-representation in political and media institutions\, capitalism and cognitive knowledge\, memory preservation\, and production of knowledge were identified as important areas of original research. \n \n \nLanguage and linguistics are germane to the discussion on pluralism in the Middle East. Members of ethno-linguistic communities have been attempting to maintain their languages and dialects despite attempts by states to undermine their languages and reinforce the official language of the state. The participants suggested research questions that examine the influence of local groups and authority over language\, communities’ resistance to states’ language policies\, unification and fragmentation among different ethno-linguistic communities\, Shiite-Sunni dialect differences\, preservation of dialects\, linguistic class processing\, media and film\, and different usages of colloquial and classic languages. \n \n \n“Minor literature” is literature produced by the colonized in the colonizer’s language that resists colonization. Post colonization\, minor literatures have emerged as a form of resistance and denationalization produced by religious and ethno-linguistic communities in contestation to their marginalization by their respective states. Minor literatures in Turkey often refer to Greek\, Jewish\, Armenian\, and Yazidi literature. The body of literature was always studied in relation to the past. The place and role of minor literature in the imagined futuristic social and political conditions of post nationalist Turkey remains understudied. Ethnographic studies on the readership of minor literature in Turkey also remain under-studied. Thus\, the participants suggested original research questions that addressed the engagement with minor literature in Turkey\, diasporic migrant experience and minor literature writers\, representation of communities in mainstream literature\, engagement of Turkish minor literature with the international literary community\, engagement among different communities in Turkish minor literature\, and targeted audience of Turkish minor literature. \n \n \nInsofar as the Armenian Christian community in the Middle East is concerned\, the participants discussed four original areas for research. These areas looked at the issue of Muslim Armenians\, and whether Islam is not compatible with Armenian identity. They also discussed the question of Armenian citizenship and if practicing Christianity is a pre-requisite. The participants identified also other gaps in literature that included: the role of Armenian media\, communal publications and propagation of Armenian political agenda\, the tension between Eastern and Western Armenians\, perception of Armenians in diaspora on the Armenian state\, usage of national language\, objectives of Armenian publications\, Armenian urban space in the Middle East\, Armenian scouts\, Armenian transnational networks\, media and film\, Armenian progressive national movements\, and the relationship between Armenians and Hezbollah. \n \n \nFinally\, the participants discussed the Amazigh community in North Africa. The participants claimed that the main gaps in research have less to do with how the Amazigh community has changed\, but more with how to change the methodological lens through which the community and its struggles can be viewed and analyzed. Regional and transnational analysis can contribute to the study of the Amazigh community in North Africa as it addresses larger political questions\, and recognizes the unintended consequences of pluralism. Four gaps in literature were identified: regionalism\, transnationalism\, localism\, and language policy. Under these four main thematic topics\, the participants posed questions that touched on topics that included: the relationship between foreign policy and identity formation\, Amazigh activism\, differences between first and second generation Amazigh immigrants\, urban versus rural elitism\, institutionalization and politicization of Amazigh as an ethno-linguistic minority\, and concepts of inclusion and exclusion.  \n \n \n  \n \n \n\nSee the meeting agenda\nRead participant biographies\nRead more about this research initiative \n\n \n  \n \n \nParticipants and Discussants: \n \n \n\nZahra Babar\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\nJames Barry\, Deakin University\nKathleen Cavanaugh\, National University of Ireland\nPaolo D’Urbano\, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies\nAmanda Garrett\, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\nShak Hanish\, National University\, California\nIslam Hassan\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\nMehran Kamrava\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\nUmber Latafat\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\nCatherine Miller\, Aix-Marseille University\nSuzi Mirgani\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\nFirat Oruc\, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\nAnnika Rabo\, Stockholm University\nDiane Singerman\, American University\, Washington\nElizabeth Wanucha\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\nAntonio Zarandona\, Deakin University\n\n \n  \n \n \nArticle by Islam Hassan\, Research Analyst at CIRS
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/pluralism-and-community-middle-east-working-group-meeting-i/
CATEGORIES:Focused Discussions,Race & Society,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160323T180000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160323T190000
DTSTAMP:20260407T014917
CREATED:20160310T082751Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210901T105709Z
UID:10001069-1458756000-1458759600@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:Is Black Money Really Black?  The International and National Fight Against Money Laundering
DESCRIPTION:Reem Al-Ansari\, a professor at Qatar University’s College of Law and the 2015-2016 CIRS Qatar University Fellow at Georgetown University in Qatar\, delivered a CIRS Monthly Dialogue on March 23\, 2016\, on “Is Black Money Really Black? The International and National Fight Against Money Laundering.” The talk focused on the billions of dollars criminals launder through the global financial system\, the staggering social\, economic\, and political fallout they cause\, and what countries like Qatar are doing in response. \n\nBeginning her lecture by defining the term “money laundering\,” Al-Ansari said that: “In its simplest form\, money laundering refers to an amount of money leaving from destination A\, and using techniques to make it seem like the funds were obtained from destination B\, a legal source.” Once the money has moved through several banks in different countries\, it can then be returned to its owner\, ready to be used as legitimate funds. \n\nAl-Ansari\, who is also the Director of the Legal Research and Studies division at Role of Law and Anti-Corruption Center (ROLACC) in Doha\, listed the various countries targeted for money laundering\, as well as the nations that serve as destinations for newly cleaned money. Adding that Qatar is also a target of this criminal activity\, she said that Qatari authorities have taken steps to respond to the threat of money laundering by introducing a specific law to mitigate against it. This comprehensive law was enacted following the unsatisfactory conclusion of an IMF-led evaluation report of Qatar’s banking system. “Qatar is awakening to the threat\, and it led to the new law\,” she said. \n\n\n\n \n\nThe newly established regulations are particularly important as a result of the criminal opportunities posed by the upcoming World Cup in 2022\, she said. Further strengthening Qatar’s anti-corruption commitment\, she added that\, “Qatar now adheres to the series of recommendations that FATF has developed and that set the international standard for combating of money laundering\,” referring to the nation’s membership to the Financial Action Task Force\, an intergovernmental policy-making body\, established in 1989 to promote effective implementation of measures for combating threats to the integrity of the international financial system. \n\nThe consequences of unchecked money laundering\, she concluded\, are severe\, including increased criminal activity and currency inflation in developing economies\, which bear the consequences of economic collapse when critical funds simply disappear as they continue through the multi-step money cleaning process. \n\nReem Al-Ansari received her LLM from the University of Michigan Law School–Ann Arbor\, and earned her Doctorate degree from Georgetown University’s Law Center in Washington D.C.\, marking her as the youngest Qatari lawyer and doctorate degree holder in the state. In addition to lecturing\, Al-Ansari is the Director of the Legal Research and Studies division at Role of Law and Anti-Corruption Center (ROLACC) in Doha\, Qatar. Previously\, she worked at the World Bank headquarters in the Governance and Anti-corruption (GAC) unit\, and is the recipient of two EED awards for education excellence. She is currently working on a book tackling the issue of money laundering and corruption\, and tweets under @ReemaAlAnsari.
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/black-money-really-black-international-and-national-fight-against-money/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160324T123000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160324T133000
DTSTAMP:20260407T014917
CREATED:20160410T071213Z
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SUMMARY:Shantayanan Devarajan on "How the Arab World Can Benefit from Low Oil Prices"
DESCRIPTION:Shantayanan Devarajan\, Chief Economist of the World Bank’s Middle East and North Africa Region\, delivered a CIRS Focused Discussion on “How the Arab World Can Benefit from Low Oil Prices” on March 24\, 2016\, in which he proposed that the widespread concern about plummeting oil prices\, particularly among rentier states\, is not a predicament to be solved\, but an opportunity to be harnessed. \n \n \nDevarajan highlighted four key problems facing the Arab world today. The first of these is that the region has the highest unemployment rates in the developing world\, a figure that reflects the systematic exclusion of women and young people from the labor market. The second problem is the lack of economic diversification\, and especially in the case of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states\, concentration on the exports of a single commodity\, whether oil or gas. Made more visible by the events of the Arab uprisings\, the third problem includes the poor quality of public services\, such as the widespread lack of sustained electricity and sanitation in many Arab countries. The final problem concerns the high volatility of already declining average growth rates for countries such as Egypt. \n \n \nAll of these issues\, he argued\, are intimately connected with the prevalent policies decision-makers have implemented across the Arab world in recent times. Devarajan identified and discussed three key adverse policies. The first concerns a variety of policies that have led to the non-optimal use of public resources\, whether deliberately or inadvertently. The second adverse policy involves the high proportion of civil servants in the labor force\, making the ratio of public to private sector workers in the MENA region the highest in the world. In Kuwait\, for instance\, 95 percent of the male labor force works in the public sector. Exemplifying the high levels of volatility in the region\, the third policy underscores the pro-cyclical strategies that allow countries to enter into an expansionary mode when oil prices are up\, often with the risk of debt\, and contraction when prices drop. \n \n \nDevarajan emphasized the connection between poor policymaking initiatives and the four major problems facing the Arab world. As an example\, he examined the impact of fuel subsidies on energy-intensive industries\, arguing that the persistent subsidizing of these large\, old\, and capital intensive firms hinders these small firms from growing\, ultimately affecting the labor market and precluding employment growth. Young and small firms\, on the other hand\, which do create jobs through growth and expansion\, are associated with non-energy-intensive firms. Thus\, unemployment in many Arab countries can be partially\, but not exclusively\, attributed to energy subsidies. Similarly\, the policy of Arab countries maintaining a large civil service has the effect of crowding out the private sector. The relatively more stable working conditions for those employed in the public sector\, in both oil importing and exporting countries\, discourages nationals from working in the private sector\, thus limiting overall economic growth. \n \n \nThese examples\, Devarajan noted\, constitute the “bad news.” However\, the “good news” has been steadily taking shape since the price of oil fell in 2014-15 when the region began witnessing remarkable systematic investments in energy subsidy reforms by oil importers and exporters alike. “The UAE\, basically\, has eliminated its fuel subsidies\,” Kuwait\, Morocco\, Jordan\, and Egypt have followed suit\, and “Lebanon has addressed its water subsidies\,” leading to a positive environment of policy reform. In the civil service sector of many Arab countries\, partial reforms are being undertaken\, where governments are cutting back on civil service wages\, benefits\, and wasteful expenditures. Underpublicized are also efforts by some of these countries to improve energy efficiency\, including investing in renewables. Owing to recent subsidy reforms\, and by association\, the drop in oil prices\, oil-dependent countries are unexpectedly moving towards renewables\, even faster than some European countries\, thus making a larger contribution to the mitigation of global climate change. In contrast to times of stability\, therefore\, low oil prices allow for the formation of political coalitions necessary to pursue a variety of political and economic reforms. The reason for these changes\, Devarajan explained\, is budgetary pressure. “It is actually the right thing to do even if there were no budgetary pressures. This is something that should have been done a long time ago if you wanted to solve these problems of unemployment and poor quality services.” \n \n \nEven though Devarajan acknowledged many of the major advancements made\, he said there remains much work to be done. He suggested further improvements that can be implemented\, including a variety of public service reforms to overcome the “credibility trap” where mistrust of the government’s ability to improve public services paralyzes public contributions to financing those services. Further\, the persistence of reactionary decisions and policies towards changes in oil prices underscores the necessity of adopting standardized fiscal rules to overcome obstacles to economic growth. Lastly\, the civil service in oil-exporting countries\, particularly those with small citizen populations such as Kuwait and the UAE\, function as a system for redistributing oil revenues. “There is no reason to have 95 percent of the labor force in the civil service. There are not that many jobs. There is not that much work to be done in the public sector to have so many people employed\,” he argued. Devarajan concluded by sharing his optimism for further positive change in a low oil-price Arab world due to already demonstrated possibilities for reform.  \n \n \nShantayanan Devarajan is the Chief Economist of the World Bank’s Middle East and North Africa Region. Since joining the World Bank in 1991\, he has been a Principal Economist and Research Manager for Public Economics in the Development Research Group\, and the Chief Economist of the Human Development Network\, South Asia\, and Africa Region. He was the director of the World Development Report 2004\, Making Services Work for Poor People. Before 1991\, he was on the faculty of Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. The author or co-author of over 100 publications\, Devarajan’s research covers public economics\, trade policy\, natural resources and the environment\, and general equilibrium modeling of developing countries. Born in Sri Lanka\, Devarajan received his B.A. in mathematics from Princeton University and his Ph.D. in economics from the University of California\, Berkeley. \n \n \n  \n \n \nArticle by Hazim Ali\, Center for International and Regional Studies
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/shantayanan-devarajan-how-arab-world-can-benefit-low-oil-prices/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Distingushed Lectures,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160328T090000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20160328T170000
DTSTAMP:20260407T014917
CREATED:20160412T065403Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210829T124328Z
UID:10001077-1459155600-1459184400@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:Uday Chandra Faculty Research Workshop
DESCRIPTION:On March 28\, 2016\, CIRS hosted a Faculty Research Workshop on Uday Chandra’s book manuscript Negotiating Leviathan: State and Tribe in Modern India. The manuscript explores how and why certain people and places came to be seen as “tribal” in modern India\, and in turn\, how “tribal” subjects remade their customs and communities in the course of negotiations with colonial and postcolonial states. Dr. Chandra argues\, briefly\, that the state and tribes make and remake each other recursively in the margins of modern India\, historical processes of modern statemaking shaping and being shaped by myriad forms of resistance by tribal subjects. Implicit here is a critique of theories of “subaltern” resistance that treat tribes and peasants as vestiges of a pre-modern past and at odds with the workings of modern states. Comparatively speaking\, the manuscript carries much relevance beyond South Asia\, especially in the Middle East\, Africa\, Southeast Asia\, and Latin America\, where “tribes” continue to be politically salient yet widely misunderstood as pre-modern vestiges.    \n\nResearch for this book\, which comes out of Dr. Chandra’s doctoral project\, was conducted over the past decade. Archival research in London\, Delhi\, Kolkata\, Patna\, Pune\, Bangalore\, and Ranchi permitted Chandra to piece together a history of the modern Indian state in its “tribal” margins over the past two centuries. These archives\, far from being mere repositories of the state’s own perceptions of tribal communities\, presented a polyphonous chorus of voices\, ranging from paternalistic British and Indian officials and Christian missionaries seeking converts to tribal subjects from diverse backgrounds speaking in different tongues. In-depth ethnographic research over three years in the forests of Jharkhand in eastern India complemented work in the archives by offering a close-to-the-ground understanding of the everyday lifeworlds of tribal communities residing in this region. As the author lived and worked among the Mundas of central Jharkhand\, he listened to their songs\, stories\, and histories\, and observed the ways in which their ways of life were enmeshed with those of the state. Indeed\, even the Maoist movement\, which was spreading across the region\, coexisted curiously with the state\, and ordinary men and women lived under circumstances of dual sovereignty.   \n\nThe participants at the CIRS research workshop came from universities in India\, the Gulf\, and Europe. These historians\, political scientists\, anthropologists\, and sociologists specialize in the study of modern India. The book manuscript as a whole presented them an opportunity to grapple with the totality of his project rather than just smaller article-length chunks of it. The workshop participants approached the manuscript from their diverse disciplinary positions\, though they appreciated that the author wished to speak across conventional disciplinary divides in clear\, jargon-free prose. Each participant had been assigned specific chapters\, on which they offered detailed comments and criticisms in each session. Other participants raised their own questions for the author\, who took copious notes and responded to calls for clarification as well as queries on the specific goals each book chapter sought to accomplish. \n\nThe workshop participants suggested vital changes to the manuscript in order to avoid certain pitfalls and to appeal broadly to its intended audiences. Firstly\, they recommended rewriting the introductory chapter entirely for a general audience unfamiliar with the subject matter of the book. The introduction\, they explained\, should reflect the core strengths of the book\, namely\, the author’s interdisciplinary approach and deep familiarity with his fieldsites and their inhabitants. Secondly\, some participants suggested laying out clearly at the outset how the data were collected\, especially during ethnographic fieldwork\, and rendering the author more visible in the book’s narrative. Doing so\, they claimed\, would permit readers to appreciate the uniqueness of the research and the author’s close relationships with informants\, both of which are implicit rather than explicit at present. Thirdly\, other participants argued for a closer braiding together of the historical and ethnographic parts of the manuscript. Each chapter could\, of course\, make its own arguments\, but to the extent that the author argues that the past matters for the present\, they need to be brought into close conversation with each other across chapters. Lastly\, a number of workshop participants advised the author to clearly define key terms such as the “state\,” “resistance\,” and “negotiation” so that readers are certain of how they are being deployed in the book. The author thanked the workshop participants for these suggestions\, which\, he said\, will greatly improve the overall quality of the manuscript. \n\nDr. Chandra is currently in discussions with Stanford University Press regarding the publication of his book. Two other leading university presses have expressed an interest in publishing the book. Since the subject matter of the book should appeal to multiple audiences across regional and disciplinary boundaries\, the author has written it in a way that makes sense to even undergraduates unfamiliar with the region of study. The manuscript should be ready for submission this summer\, and may be expected to be in print sometime during the 2017-18 academic year. By that time\, Dr. Chandra will have commenced work on a second book\, tentatively titled Democracy and Fascism in Modern India\, which traces the historical entanglements of democratization in the public sphere and fascist tendencies therein that have favored the rise and growth of Hindu majoritarianism over the past century or so. CIRS will be supporting that book project too.     \n\nSee the Workshop AgendaRead Participant Biographies\n\nUday Chandra is an Assistant Professor of Government. He received his B.A. in economics from Grinnell College and his PhD in political science from Yale University in 2013. He received the 2013 Sardar Patel Award for writing the best dissertation in a US university on any aspect of modern South Asia. Before coming to Doha\, he held a prestigious research fellowship at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity in Goettingen\, Germany. Uday’s research lies at the intersection between critical agrarian studies\, political anthropology\, postcolonial theory\, and South Asian studies He is interested in state-society relations\, power and resistance\, political violence\, agrarian change\, rural-urban migration\, popular religion\, and the philosophy of the social sciences. Uday’s work has been published in the Law & Society Review\, Social Movement Studies\, New Political Science\, The Journal of Contemporary Asia\, Contemporary South Asia\, and the Indian Economic & Social History Review. He has coedited volumes and journal special issues on the ethics of self-making in modern South Asia\, subaltern politics and the state in contemporary India\, caste relations in colonial and postcolonial eastern India\, and social movements in rural India today.
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/uday-chandra-faculty-research-workshop/
CATEGORIES:CIRS Faculty Research Workshops
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