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DTSTART:20141025T220000
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20130105T180000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20130106T180000
DTSTAMP:20260413T014317
CREATED:20140922T101301Z
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SUMMARY:Politics and the Media in the Post-Arab Spring Middle East Working Group I
DESCRIPTION:On January 5–6\, 2013\, CIRS held a working group meeting under the research initiative “Politics and the Media in the Post-Arab Spring Middle East.” Given the profound socio-political transitions within Arab states in the wake of the Arab Spring\, participants used a multidisciplinary approach to analyze shifts in the role of the media and how it is articulated in everyday spaces of cultural production within the region. \n \n \nWith the rise of new media and its increasing integration within traditional media\, participants discussed how media is positioned in the new political scene. Evolving ruling bargains in the region have been translated into evolving information bargains where distinctions between processes of information production and reception have become increasingly blurred. The notion of the public becoming an active participant in media processes\, translates into a society that has increasingly become in a state of self-information. This is evident in countries such as Saudi Arabia\, where people have bypassed state operations and sidelined leaders by taking media tools such as Twitter into their own hands in what is indicative of a move from centralization to decentralization of information. \n \n \nThe media landscape in countries that successfully toppled their dictators exhibits elements of both continuity and change\, as countries such as Libya\, Tunisia\, Egypt\, and Yemen are in the process of re-articulating the position of the state in relation to society. Remnants of authoritarianism continue to impact Egypt where state media institutions are perceived as being “ikhwanized\,” while signs of political liberalization are emerging in neighboring Libya\, where media practitioners are allowed to more freely criticize political leadership. \n \n \nIn addition to understanding the changing political dynamics of the region\, the media landscape gives insight on the current socio-political forces at play. With the rise of Islamist parties in the wake of the Arab uprisings\, the secular-Islamist divide has dominated much of the discourse around the region. However\, closer analysis of Islamic television in the region provides a more nuanced understanding of the different Islamic movements gaining ascendency. Participants discussed the Da’wa movement (the Islamic outreach movement) as a field of cultural battle that is internally divided and diverse. Islamic channels are not the normative alternative to secular channels as commonly misconceived\, rather Islamic television as a social practice addresses moral notions of citizenship by providing competing forms on what it means to be Muslim. \n \n \nAs with most long-scale and prolonged political upheavals\, Arab transitional media is offering mobilizing information and is increasingly being used as a platform for voicing opinions. Historically\, Arab journalists have viewed themselves as agents of social change; much more than just purveyors of information\, they are interpreters of public life. \n \n \nWhile discussing whether there is an Arab journalism culture that can be attributed to the region as a whole\, the participants advocated for a de-westernization of media studies that assesses the intricate micro-processes evident in Arab journalism\, and studies how people negotiate their subjectivity within their broader socio-political constraints. \n \n \nParticipants also discussed the “multi-vocality” present in the media in terms of language\, cultural spaces of production\, and social actors. Arab graffiti\, regarded as a visible form of politics\, has exploded in the region\, yet remains greatly understudied. Going beyond the content of “visible politics” and understanding the style and aesthetics of graffiti gives greater understanding of the language utilized to resonate with people’s interests\, grievances\, and needs. Other forms of production\, such as musalsalat (serialized television shows)\, were discussed by working group members as avenues for understanding socio-political phenomena of the revolutions. \n \n \nVarious social movements have also used the media as an instrument of activism. These social movements have a myriad of players that utilize numerous media tools and adapt them to their respective needs. Social media has enabled diasporic communities to organize\, mobilize\, and contribute decisively to issues playing out in their homelands. Wary of the misconception that social media is all inclusive\, participants pointed to the class-based accessibility of the internet and social media sites. Notions of inclusion and exclusion led participants to question what media spaces marginalized communities use to speak and who their audience is. \n \n \nIn the wake of the Arab revolts\, Hezbollah has become an increasingly controversial player in the region. Although the popular uprisings did not occur in Lebanon as they did in other Arab countries\, the political mosaic of Lebanon reflects the politics of the region\, and understanding the media strategies of Hezbollah gives insight into how people interact with the media as sectarian sensibilities in the region are heightened. While Hezbollah is a Shia organization\, its affiliated television station\, Al-Manar\, avoids sectarian rhetoric\, portraying itself as pan-Islamist and pan-Arabist and boasts of a wide variety of audiences coming from different sectarian affiliations. \n \n \nIn tackling the political economy of media in the Middle East\, working group participants questioned whether state policies are directly reflected in the strategies and content of state-owned or state-sponsored media outlets. The range of actors involved in media production\, from directors and producers to journalists in the newsroom\, merits a distinction between funders and creators of various media forms. Media cities were also discussed as useful sites of cultural production where structures of power and forms of resistance can be understood. An example of such is the strict control of the Egyptian Media Production City by the ruling Muslim Brotherhood\, where a supposed beacon of media freedom is dominated by the ruling political party. \n \n \nOver the last decade\, there has been growing localization of news providers in the Arab world as people become increasingly concerned with issues pertaining to their daily lives. In what is dubbed as the “post Al-Jazeera era\,” participants discussed what this means for US public diplomacy in the region. The failure of Al-Hurra to operate as an effective foreign policy tool for the US government\, begs the question “what media tools and mechanisms will the US government utilize in the face of increasing competition from localized news providers?” As media becomes increasingly dispersed\, social actors and governments alike will alter their communication strategies to accommodate the shifting Arab media landscape. \n \n \n\nFor the working group agenda\, click here.\nFor the participants’ biographies\, click here.\nRead more about this research initiative\n\n \nParticipants and Discussants: \n \n \nMarwa Abdel Samei\, Cairo UniversityWalter Armbrust\, University of OxfordZahra Babar\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarFatima El Issawi\, London School of EconomicsNaila Hamdy\, American University in CairoManata Hashemi\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarMehran Kamrava\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarJoe Khalil\, Northwestern University in QatarSahar Khamis\, University of MarylandMarwan Kraidy\, University of PennsylvaniaZahera Harb\, City University LondonDina Matar\, SOAS\, University of LondonNourredine Miladi\, Qatar UniversitySuzi Mirgani\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarYasmin Moll\, New York UniversityDwaa Osman\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarLarbi Sadiki\, University of Exeter; Qatar UniversityPhilip Seib\, University of Southern CaliforniaNadia Talpur\, CIRS – Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in QatarMohamed Zayani\, Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar \n \n \nArticle by Dwaa Osman\, Research Analyst at CIRS
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/politics-and-media-post-arab-spring-middle-east-working-group-i/
CATEGORIES:Focused Discussions,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20130122T080000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20130122T180000
DTSTAMP:20260413T014317
CREATED:20141023T091607Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210901T132043Z
UID:10000818-1358841600-1358877600@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:H.E. Kasit Piromya on Southeast Asia's Role in Global Food Security
DESCRIPTION:Former Foreign Minister of Thailand and career diplomat Kasit Piromya was the featured speaker ‎for a CIRS Monthly Dialoguelecture on January 22\, 2013. His Excellency Piromya’s talk\, titled ‎‎“Southeast Asia’s Role in Global Food Security\,” focused on the role of Southeast Asian ‎countries as major exporters of food and as the “food cradle” or “food kitchen” of the world. ‎ \n \n \nAccording to Piromya\, when combined\, Southeast Asian countries rank in the top ten global ‎food producers and exporters. “There is no food shortage and there is no famine in Southeast ‎Asia so we feel confident that we can be the supplier of food for the decades to come\,” he said.‎ \n \n \nAddressing the important connections between Southeast Asian countries and the Gulf ‎Cooperation Council (GCC) states\, Piromya pointed to the great potential for long-lasting ‎cooperative agreements between the two sides. He noted that Gulf states are secure in oil\, gas\, ‎and energy\, whilst Southeast Asian countries enjoy food security. This presents optimum grounds ‎for partnerships and working together to achieve common goals and mutually beneficial ‎arrangements where one part of the world has particular resources that can be of benefit to other ‎areas of the globe. “The first thing that comes to mind\,” Piromya claimed\, “is the ‎complementarity of Southeast Asia and the Gulf states.” ‎ \n \n \nDespite this natural partnership between Southeast Asian countries and the Gulf states\, major ‎questions remain regarding how this complementarity between food security cooperation and ‎energy security cooperation can be achieved. Piromya offered several possible scenarios for cross-‎regional cooperation. ‎ \n \n \nThe first\, he said\, is for the trading partners to establish and agree upon long-term contracts to ‎trade food and energy resources. Another option is for Gulf states to enter into joint venture ‎agreements with existing Southeast Asian organizations to actively invest in farms and related ‎activities in Southeast Asian countries. This scenario will allow Gulf investors to work directly ‎with food production experts in order to increase productivity and returns on investment. A final ‎suggestion is to create stockpiles of food that can be kept in storage and utilized as and when ‎needed. He explained that “Thailand\, as a major food exporting country\, pledged 50\,000 tons of ‎rice into the stockpile for emergency situations.” These stockpiles can be stored on land or in the ‎form of “floating stockpiles” on ships that are directed towards areas of need anywhere in the ‎world. This option requires that countries maintain emergency stockpiles ready to deploy in ‎disaster situations and that countries work in conjunction with international organizations like the ‎World Food Programme to deliver food aid to countries in need. For example\, “when there was ‎an earthquake in Haiti a few years back\, Thailand was the biggest contributor in terms of ‎humanitarian assistance; we provided the largest amount of rice\,” he said.‎ \n \n \nCountries in Southeast Asia and the Gulf could work together to tackle some of the more ‎prescient global food security issues. In his former capacity as Foreign Minister\, Piromya was ‎directly involved in negotiations with the World Food Programme to provide food aid\, especially ‎rice\, in times of crisis in the Asia Pacific region and on the east coast of Africa. Similarly\, “the ‎Gulf states\, with so much financial endowments\, could also play a very important role in terms of ‎humanitarian assistance\,” he said. To this end\, it is imperative that ASEAN countries and GCC ‎state leaders establish a more consistent political dialogue between the two regions. ‎ \n \n \nTaking this regional cooperation a step further\, Piromya argued for the necessity to go beyond ‎food aid and to think of partnerships that can be maintained at the level of research and ‎development. He concluded by saying that there is great interest in researching and investing in ‎alternative and renewable energy sources in many Southeast Asian and Gulf states. Currently\, in ‎Thailand\, alternative energy is being produced from food sources such as tapioca\, palm oil\, and ‎molasses. This is a mutually beneficial area for both regions to work closely together. ‎ \n \n \nEarlier in the day\, H. E. Piromya met with Georgetown University SFS-Qatar students to share ‎his experiences as a career diplomat and relay various anecdotes about his forty years in the Thai ‎Foreign Service. Later in the day\, he spoke to various ambassadors and embassy staff stationed ‎in Qatar at a luncheon talk organized by CIRS. During the meeting\, he discussed his optimism ‎for Qatar’s future in light of the Arab Spring\, globalization\, and increased liberalization. With the ‎inevitable depletion of natural resources\, he argued that Qatar has invested wisely in its future ‎knowledge-based economy. “Qatar will take the future in its own hands\, manage the wealth all ‎over the world\, and manage itself also as an open society.” As a final thought\, Piromya said that ‎Qatar has taken and will continue to take a leading role in many global issues ranging from sports ‎to climate change.‎ \n \n \nHis Excellency Kasit Piromya is a career Thai diplomat\, politician\, and academic. He previously served as Thailand’s ambassador to Russia\, Indonesia\, Germany\, Japan\, and the United States. From 2008 to 2011\, he was Thailand’s Minister of Foreign Affairs. Currently\, H. E. Piromya is a member of the Thai Parliament representing the Democrat Party. \n \n \nArticle by Suzi Mirgani\, Manager and Editor for CIRS Publications.
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/he-kasit-piromya-southeast-asias-role-global-food-security/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Distingushed Lectures,Regional Studies
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