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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20110201T080000
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SUMMARY:Mohamed Zayani Lectures on Transnational Arab Media
DESCRIPTION:Mohamed Zayani\, Professor of Critical Theory at Georgetown University in Qatar\, delivered a CIRS Monthly Dialogue lecture entitled “Transnational Arab Media\, Regional Politics and State Security: Saudi Arabia between Tradition and Modernity” on February 1\, 2011. \n \n \nOffering “a social sciences perspective which places the development of media within a broad\, historical\, cultural and socio-political context\,” Zayani delved into the intricacies of the Saudi media systems\, exploring how the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia came to be an important media player. “Although lacking the historical depth which characterizes other prominent media traditions in the region\,” Zayani noted\, “the rise of Saudi media is remarkable.” \n \n \nWithin the span of a few decades\, Zayani explained\, “the Saudis managed to develop a decentralized media empire which encompasses a plethora of media conglomerates\, transnational foreign-based networks\, pan-Arab satellite channels\, influential newspapers\, and regional publications.” Prominent Saudi media ventures include pan-Arab newspapers like Al Hayat and Al Sharq Al Awsat and television networks like MBC\, Orbit\, ART and Rotana. Interestingly\, most of these ventures\, which are in private Saudi hands\, tend to be entertainment oriented. \n \n \nDriving the Saudi interest in media\, Zayani noted\, is “what maybe loosely described as a security imperative.” The Saudi interest in media goes back to the 1960s\, when the kingdom found itself confronted with “a number of cultural and political challenges.” The development of Saudi media is tightly connected to “internal dynamics” which are social\, cultural and political in nature\, and “external dynamics” which are related to geopolitical considerations\, and historical regional rivalries. \n \n \nWhile designing a “circumscribed domestic media system” which protects its social values\, limits the influence of Western culture\, and enhances its national identity\, Zayani noted\, “Saudi Arabia invested in a transnational\, foreign-based media system which helped safeguard its interests in the face of hostile regimes in the region\, promote its foreign policy and exert regional political influence.” Contributing to the rise of Saudi media is oil wealth\, the establishment of a regional infrastructure of satellite technology and the receding role of traditional media players in the region. \n \n \nFor Zayani what is interesting to note is “not only how and why Saudi Arabia came to be an important media player\, but also what kind of contradictions\, disjunctions\, and unintended consequences the Saudi investment in media created\, and to what effect.” According to Zayani\, “the liberalization\, expansion and deterritorialization of Saudi media brought about a number of challenges and conflictual dynamics which cannot be easily managed\, let alone reconciled.” The most important disjunctions point to an uneasy relationship between tradition and modernity\, between a protectionist drive and a liberalizing impetus\, between national identity markers and market imperatives\, and between depoliticization and repoliticization. \n \n \nIn a fast changing Middle East\, these disjunctions are potentially consequential. For Zayani\, “tremendous wealth\, business imperatives\, strategic allies\, and political clout have positioned the Kingdom well and helped it play an important media role in the region. However\, these assets are no longer sufficient to claim influence in an increasingly entangled and congested Arab mediascape” \n \n \nPointing to the rise of competing media ventures like the heavy weight Al Jazeera and the wide adoption of new and social media\, Zayani concluded that “the unfolding of the political reality of the Middle East will be deeply intertwined with the reconfiguration of the media dynamics in the region.” \n \n \nMohamed Zayani’s works include Reading the Symptom (1999)\, Arab Satellite Television and Politics in the Middle East (2004)\, The Al Jazeera Phenomenon: Critical Perspectives on New Arab Media (2005) and The Culture of Al Jazeera: Inside an Arab Media Giant(2007).  \n \n \nArticle by Suzi Mirgani\, CIRS Publications Coordinator
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/mohamed-zayani-lectures-transnational-arab-media/
CATEGORIES:CIRS Faculty Lectures,Dialogue Series,Race & Society,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20110208T080000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20110208T180000
DTSTAMP:20260409T191350
CREATED:20141026T130833Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240314T105425Z
UID:10000987-1297152000-1297188000@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:Popular Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt
DESCRIPTION:Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar held an open discussion on Tuesday\, February 8\, 2011\, to discuss the recent political upheavals in Tunisia and Egypt and their implications on the Arab world. The discussion\, organized by Professor Karine Walther and the Center for International and Regional Studies\, featured four experts from Georgetown’s Qatar campus. \n \n \nThe roundtable discussion titled\, “Popular Uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt: The Jasmine Revolution and Its Aftermath\,” allowed members of the Georgetown community the opportunity to ask questions and discuss the events unfolding in Tunisia and Egypt. The speakers included Abdullah Al-Arian\, a doctoral candidate in Georgetown’s History department; Sharif Elmusa\, Visiting Associate Professor in the Political Science department; Daniel Stoll\, Senior Assistant Dean of Academic Affairs; and Mohamed Zayani\, Visiting Associate Professor of Critical Theory. \n \n \nThe first question posed by a member of the audience related to the role played by the Egyptian constitution in the event of a government transition. Commenting on the inherent problems with using Egypt’s current constitution to foster change\, Al-Arian argued that in its present form\, the constitution is an ineffective document. “The way that the constitution is structured is that it puts so much power in the president’s hands that it’s basically impossible to get anything accomplished without President Hosni Mubarak\,” said Al-Arian. \n \n \nElmusa echoed Al-Arian’s statement saying\, “The regime has rewritten the constitution in such a way as to make it impossible for anyone else but the regime and the ruling party [NDP] to participate.” \n \n \nIn addressing how the constitution could prove useful\, Stoll argued that the document provided a framework that could be used to implement change. “It’s a flawed document\, but it’s a starting point\,” said Stoll. Al-Arian agreed\, adding that perhaps earlier versions of the constitution that vested less power in the Mubarak regime’s hands could be used as a “common frame of reference” to advance change. \n \n \nIn response to a question asking why the U.S. government had been slow to react and offer support to pro-democracy protesters in Tunisia and Egypt\, Stoll answered that the Obama administration was perhaps acting cautiously. “It’s a political tightrope as to how a response is structured\,” he remarked. Stoll explained that in the Egyptian case\, the U.S. government was likely uncertain about whom to support since the Mubarak regime had successfully suppressed the emergence of a viable opposition leader. \n \n \nElmusa asserted that the U.S. government could perhaps do more by suspending the billions in aid it sends to the Egyptian military “without looking like they’re intervening.” In addition\, he argued\, this would allow the armed forces in Egypt to play a neutral role\, rather than continue to act at the Mubarak regime’s behest. \n \n \nAsked about the impact of the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt\, Zayani cautioned against two looming threats for the region. “One is that countries will try to preempt this rather than engage in real change.” He continued\, “The other thing that happens\, and there are signs starting to come out of this in Tunisia\, is that real demand for real political and institutional change is being hijacked by more social demands.” \n \n \nSpeaking to the question of the reasons that led to pro-democracy protests in Egypt\, Al-Arian responded that economic disenfranchisement due to decades of government corruption was largely at fault. “Imagine if you could get rid of all that [corruption]. So in terms of development\, things can only look up\,” concluded Al-Arian.  \n \n \nArticle by Jennifer Ponard\, Media Writer 
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/popular-uprisings-tunisia-and-egypt/
CATEGORIES:American Studies,Dialogue Series,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20110210T080000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20110210T180000
DTSTAMP:20260409T191350
CREATED:20141026T130606Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240314T105422Z
UID:10000986-1297324800-1297360800@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:The Euro's Future in the Balance
DESCRIPTION:Ibrahim Oweiss\, Professor Emeritus of Economics at Georgetown University\, delivered a lunch time lecture on February 10\, 2011 on the subject of “The Euro’s Future in the Balance.” Oweiss was one of the founding members of Georgetown University Center for Contemporary Arab Studies\, and also spent four years on the faculty of the School of Foreign Service in Qatar. \n \n \nBasing his lecture on the question “what are the possible scenarios for the Euro’s future?” Oweiss explored the ways in which the Euro has shaped and will continue to shape the economies of the European Union countries. Although the Eurozone is a significant economic region of the world and has a combined population that exceeds that of the United States\, the recent bailouts of Ireland and Greece by Germany have indicated a serious weakness in the zone’s strategy. “The future of the European unification project is on life support\, while Germany’s fingers are on the power switch\,” he said. Indeed\, because “Germany has the only healthy economy in Europe\,” Oweiss argued\, “either all of the sovereign debts of Europe become German public debt or the Euro will collapse.” \n \n \nMany of the Eurozone countries have adopted the Euro as their sole legal tender\, while others\, such as the UK\, are members of the European Union\, but have opted out of the Euro. “The Monetary policy of the Eurozone is the responsibility of the European Central Bank\, though there is no common representation\, governors\, or fiscal policy for the currency union.” There needs to be cooperation between these elements “in order to help smooth fluctuations in the business cycle” and so this is represents a major weakness related to the Euro. “There is\,” however\, “some cooperation which takes place through the Euro Group\, which makes political decisions regarding the Eurozone and the Euro.” \n \n \nBefore taking questions from the audience\, Oweiss concluded that regardless of the negative of the economies of the Eurozone\, the Euro will remain one of the world’s key currencies. When asked whether or not Eurozone countries could opt out of the Euro and return to their former currencies\, Oweiss argued that although it was possible\, it is unlikely. Finally\, he argued that he does not expect the Euro to collapse as long as Germany holds onto the Euro and doesn’t return to the Deutsch mark. \n \n \nAs an international economic advisor\, Oweiss worked for several governments and multinational corporations. He has authored over fifty scholarly publications including:Petrodollar Surpluses\, Arab Civilization\, and The Political Economy of Contemporary Egypt.  \n \n \nArticle by Suzi Mirgani\, CIRS Publications Coordinator
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/euros-future-balance/
CATEGORIES:American Studies,Dialogue Series,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20110223T080000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20110223T180000
DTSTAMP:20260409T191350
CREATED:20141026T130321Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240314T105412Z
UID:10000983-1298448000-1298484000@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:His Holiness Aram I Lectures on Interfaith Dialogue
DESCRIPTION:In collaboration with Georgetown University in Qatar’s Student Affairs department\, CIRS organized a lecture on February 23\, 2011\, by His Holiness Aram I\, Head of the Armenian Church in Lebanon on the subject of “Interfaith Dialogue.” \n \n \nIntroducing the themes of the discussion\, His Holiness Aram I highlighted the increasing importance of religion in today’s world. He argued that “Religion has become a major public player in the world today. Religion has become an integral and inseparable part of international and inter-community relations.” Globalization and its ensuing pluralism have\, in fact\, increased the importance of religious participation\, rather than decrease it. Religion is part of the geopolitics of every region\, therefore\, “inter-religious dialogue today has become a necessity […] Inter-religious dialogue is no more a question of options; it is a must\,” he said. The question is not whether we should engage ourselves in dialogue\, but how to go about doing this. \n \n \nAs with many countries in the world\, Lebanon unifies various religious communities and confessional identities within the borders of a single nation. In order to understand the relationship between religion and everyday lived experience in the Middle East and elsewhere\, His Holiness argued that inter-religious dialogue need not be a discussion based on intense metaphysical\, theological\, and scriptural issues\, but\, rather\, should be a conversation that highlights the practicalities of religious worship and co-existence in the modern age. He argued that “diversity is a source of enrichment that should not polarize us.” \n \n \nWhen people are faced with tremendous and radical change\, they need to keep pace with changing realities. There are times\, he noted\, when religion is hijacked by political agendas; “the role of religion\,” he said\, “has sometimes been as a stabilizer and reconciler\, and sometimes\, it has been a destabilizer.” For this reason\, His Holiness argued that “I warmly welcome the initiatives in inter-religious dialogue taken by Qatar.” \n \n \nIn conclusion\, his Holiness said that “In this world\, we need to talk to each other and to dialogue with each other\, instead of talking about each other and against each other.” \n \n \nHis Holiness Aram I was elected Catholicos (the Head of the Armenian Church) in 1995. Called to serve as Primate of the Armenian Community of Lebanon during the Lebanese Civil War\, His Holiness is a strong supporter of inter-religious relations\, dialogue and co-operation. In addition to his numerous articles and reviews in Armenian\, English\, and French\, His Holiness has authored over 15 books.   \n \n \nArticle by Suzi Mirgani\, CIRS Publications Coordinator
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/his-holiness-aram-i-lectures-interfaith-dialogue/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Distingushed Lectures,Race & Society,Regional Studies
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