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SUMMARY:Attiya Ahmad on Islamic 'Conversions' of Migrant Domestic Workers in Kuwait
DESCRIPTION:Attiya Ahmad\, the 2009-2010 CIRS Postdoctoral Fellow and cultural anthropologist\, delivered a Monthly Dialogue lecture on the subject of “Explanation is Not the Point: Islamic ‘Conversions’ of Migrant Domestic Workers in Kuwait” on March 8\, 2010. \n \n \nAhmad began the lecture by explaining that the anthropological approach toward research topics is to examine the underlying machinations of seemingly casual everyday discourses and activities. She described the task of the anthropologist as recognizing\, and then addressing\, the unseen complexities of everyday events. Ahmad noted that “through ethnographic methods\, anthropologists research peoples and societies as well as underlying economic relations\, social processes\, and cultural understandings that often are ignored\, elided\, or taken for granted.” \n \n \nWhilst conducting preliminary fieldwork in Kuwait on the subject of Islamic movements\, Ahmad learned of migrant domestic workers of varying ethno-national origins who were developing new-found Islamic pieties and taking shahada – the Islamic testament of faith. This she discovered is a wide-spread phenomenon in Kuwait\, and one that attracts a variety of opinions and debate as to why these domestic workers decided to become Muslim – much of it skeptical. Ahmad explained that “over the course of conducting fieldwork\, I came to recognize\, in turn\, that my interlocutors’ – these South Asian migrant domestic workers that I was researching with – articulations and experiences differed with how others understood them.” \n \n \nAhmad conducted long-term ethnographic research\, which in part consisted of documenting the everyday activities of female domestic workers resident in Kuwait. She noted that in addition to her own observations\, her research findings also account for the ways in which her interlocutors make sense of their everyday lives. Ahmad explained that “the reason we approach our research this way is not only to develop deeper understanding of everyday phenomena and events\, but also to document the experiences of peoples and places that are often ignore or considered to be unimportant.” \n \n \nAhmad gave background information about the situation of migrant domestic workers in Kuwait. Of varying ethnic\, education\, and linguistic backgrounds she noted that in Kuwait “these women share a common set of experiences – whether cooking\, cleaning\, or caring for children or the elderly. The gendered labor they perform is crucial to Kuwaiti’s social reproduction.” Around 90% of Kuwaiti households employ some form of domestic labor\, and yet these domestic workers occupy a marginal position within the legal structures and kinship networks of the country\, as many studies have shown. Yet\, Ahmad argued\, scholarship on the exclusion of domestic workers from the social and political life of Kuwait often overshadows other dimensions of these women’s migration experiences in Kuwait – becoming Muslim being one such example. \n \n \nThese women\, Ahmad explained\, discussed their new-found pieties in terms of their daily activities and intimate relationships within the household\, or what one of her interlocutors referred to as “house talk.” Domestic workers experiences of developing new pieties and an interest in Islam were marked not by the extraordinary\, but by the everyday. Punctuated by few if any dramatic events\, miracles\, or visions\, domestic workers’ experiences demonstrate the slow\, unexpected infusing of incipient Islamic sensibilities\, affects\, awareness and practices into the folds of their day-to-day relations and activities. Their experiences thus underscore the household as a site of confluence between the affective and immaterial labor related to domestic work and Islamic ethical formation. \n \n \nAs such\, Ahmad realized that “rather than focusing on reasons or explanations for why they were converting to Islam – a question that other in Kuwait were preoccupied with – my interlocutors were intent on the question of what their becoming Muslim entailed\, and how their new-found pieties were developing through the Kuwaiti households within which they lived and worked.” Thus\, Ahmad argued\, “the term ‘conversion’ failed to capture the particularities of their experiences. I came to realize that far from an abrupt rejection or transformation of their previous religious traditions\, and their lives\, domestic workers’ experiences of becoming Muslim are processual. They are characterized by a gradual re-engagement and re-working of their lives through Islam.” \n \n \nConcluding the lecture\, Ahmad explained that there is much public debate about why these women are converting to Islam – much of it speculative and suspect. But if more time is spent examining\, scrutinizing\, and paying attention to domestic workers’ own articulations\, the household becomes a site “through which they come to develop new-found Islamic pieties\, and through which they develop new forms of subjectivities\, and ways of being in the world.” \n \n \nAttiya Ahmad recently completed her Ph.D. in Cultural Anthropology at Duke University in the US. Based on over two years of fieldwork conducted in Kuwait\, Nepal\, and Pakistan\, her research focuses on South Asian migrant domestic workers in Kuwait who have converted to Islam\, a project that points to the importance of the household as a cosmopolitan space and site of confluence between Islamic reform and dawa movements\, and the feminization of transnational labour migration that marks our contemporary period. Dr. Ahmad’s work brings together scholarship on Islamic studies\, globalization\, diaspora and migration studies\, economic anthropology\, and political economy.  \n \n \nArticle by Suzi Mirgani. Suzi is CIRS Publications Coordinator. 
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/attiya-ahmad-islamic-conversions-migrant-domestic-workers-kuwait/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Race & Society,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20100311T080000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20100311T180000
DTSTAMP:20260411T202554
CREATED:20141026T134731Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210902T103059Z
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SUMMARY:Paula Newberg on Moving Pakistan and Afghanistan Away from War
DESCRIPTION:The Director of the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University in Washington DC\, Paula Newberg\, gave a lunch lecture on March 11\, 2010 titled “Reconciling Past and Future:  Moving Pakistan and Afghanistan Away from War?” to a group of Qatar-based diplomats and Georgetown University in Qatar faculty and staff. \n \n \nNewberg’s talk focused on the current situations in both Pakistan and Afghanistan and how best to overcome their shared political instabilities. Under the patronage of presidents Zardari and Karzai\, Pakistan and Afghanistan have recently become engaged in renewed discussions about short-term and longer-term prospects for peace. Both presidents have their own interests in trying to re-establish some sense of peace in the region\, primarily for their own countries. Newberg explained that although Pakistan and Afghanistan’s relationship to one another has been relatively fraught\, both are now confronted with the common problem of extremism. But\, she warned\, although there is agreement that this is a critical issue\, what counts as “extremism” is different for both countries. Newberg argued that\, in this situation\, “violence breeds nothing less or more than uncertainty.” Extremists\, she noted\, have become very agile\, flexible\, and sophisticated at how to keep all parties insecure and uncertain. When attacks happen\, people in both countries assume that government is responsible for the volatile condition of the state. \n \n \nIn attempting to solve their internal political problems\, Newberg noted that Pakistan and Afghanistan also have very different ideas about what constitutes an appropriate form of intervention. Both countries do\, however\, agree that one common problem is one of resources. There is the common belief\, therefore\, that either an injection of money or military might will reduce the volatility taking root in both countries. Newberg noted that\, historically\, neither of these resources has had the desired effect on the region. The problems these countries face are so entrenched in territorial and regional disputes\, and questions about the efficacy of their respective sovereignties\, that foreign assistance will not be able to solve them. \n \n \nWords such as “reconciliation and reintegration” have been introduced into the political discourses of both countries. Newberg argued that there are tens of thousands of NATO forces aided by a small number of Afghan forces attempting to control and reintegrate a small but agile enemy in the form of the Taliban. However\, she said\, this strategy is difficult to maintain: many citizens of both countries believe that reconciliatory policies suggest that outlawed factions can be legitimized\, whether as opponents or allies. Newberg noted that “if you have\, like in Afghanistan\, a very weak state with a very weak government\, then it is almost as if the so-called enemy of the state has determined that they are strong enough to be considered rightful negotiators.” \n \n \nNewberg concluded the lecture by noting that\, in order to set about true political change\, there needs to be serious strategic reforms in the structures of both countries\, especially in Pakistan. She argued that “Pakistan\, more than almost any of the former British colonies\, has hewed into a state structure that so much resembles what it inherited from the British that it becomes almost useless for a modernizing\, rapidly-growing\, proto-industrial society.” Pakistan\, Newberg explained\, still relies on a centralized system\, where the budget is organized from the center and then devolves to the provinces in an inequitable manner. She argued that “this means that some people’s citizenship is devalued and other people’s citizenship is overvalued.” The only way to change this is to reconfigure the structure of governance in the country by introducing an equitable taxation system and building local governances from the bottom up. Newberg concluded that until such time that this structure is altered\, problems of governance and foreign policy will be replicated\, over and again. \n \n \nPaula R. Newberg is the Marshall B. Coyne Director of the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy (ISD). A scholar and practitioner with wide-ranging experience in multilateral and nongovernmental organizations. Dr. Newberg specializes in issues of democracy\, human rights\, and development in crisis and transition states\, and has served as a Special Advisor to the United Nations in various regions\, including multiple postings in Afghanistan. Dr. Newberg was a senior associate position at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace\, where she co-founded its Democracy Project and chaired the South Asia Roundtable\, and was a Guest Scholar at the Brookings Institution. \n \n \nA former foundation executive\, Dr. Newberg taught at the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University for many years\, and publishes extensively on issues including law and constitutionalism in Pakistan\, insurgency and human rights in Kashmir\, and international assistance to war-torn Afghanistan. A graduate of Oberlin College\, Newberg received her doctorate in political science from the University of Chicago.  \n \n \nArticle by Suzi Mirgani. Mirgani is CIRS Publications Coordinator.
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/paula-newberg-moving-pakistan-and-afghanistan-away-war/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20100321T080000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20100321T180000
DTSTAMP:20260411T202554
CREATED:20141026T151048Z
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SUMMARY:Open-Sea Piracy in the Modern World: Perils and Prospects
DESCRIPTION:On March 21\, 2010\, CIRS convened a Panel presentation on the topic of “Open-Sea Piracy in the Modern World: Perils and Prospects.” The panel was made up of Pottengal Mukundan\, Director of the International Maritime Bureau\, Roger Middleton\, Consultant Researcher working for the Africa Programme at Chatham House\, and Daniele Archibugi\, Research Director at the Italian National Research Council. \n \n \nClick here to download an MP3 of Piracy Panels’ discussion \n \n \nPottengal Mukundan headed the panel presentations with an overview of the current situation regarding pirate attacks off the coast of Somalia. He reported on statistical data collected by the Piracy Reporting Center located in Kuala Lumpur. The Center compiles information on attacks against vessels and acts as a catalyst for governments to respond to the growing problem. Mukundan reported that in 2009\, there were 406 attacks\, 49 vessels hijacked\, over 1\,000 crew taken hostage\, and 11 crew members killed. He argued that “in today’s world\, this is unacceptable.” Because all types of vessels – large and small\, commercial and private – have been attacked\, Mukundan explained that\, contrary to popular belief\, ships are not being targeted in advance. These are opportunist attacks. \n \n \nView the presentation from lecture below: \n \nThe Challenges of Piracy Today  from Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar \n“What we are seeing [in Somalia]\,” Mukundan said\, “is an unprecedented criminal phenomenon.” As with any crime\, unless there is a firm push-back\, the criminals will extend the frequency and audacity of their attacks. Pirates are now ranging 1\,000 nautical miles out to sea in their mother-boats and small vessels and are attacking much larger\, and better equipped\, ships and tankers. In many instances\, these vessels are seized by the pirates and sailed back to the coast of Somalia where they are held until a ransom is paid. “These vessels are held for anywhere between six weeks and three months on average\,” he said. \n \n \nMukundan argued that “the deterrent to crimes is usually enacted by the state. In Somalia\, it is not possible because it is a failed state. There is no national law enforcement agency and there is no judicial system\,” so taking action against these criminals has become very difficult\, particularly when these criminals are bringing vast sums of money into the local economy. Much of this money provides revenue streams for local militias. He argued that what is needed in this situation is to try to change the risk/reward balance for the pirates. It is little wonder\, Mukundan said\, that the crimes are so rampant when the rewards are so great\, the risks so negligible\, and the economic outlook of Somalia so dire. \n \n \nApart from the problem of how to deter the pirates\, there remains the problem of what to do with them after they are caught. There still needs to be better coordination between countries and law enforcement agencies regarding the criminal prosecution of pirates. Currently\, Somalia has bilateral relations with Kenya\, but Kenya has reached its capacity in this regard. \n \n \nIn conclusion\, Mukundan argued that piracy is not just a governmental problem; it is a public problem because all commercial goods that people consume on a daily basis come via sea routes. Therefore\, Mukundan said\, there is good reason for all governments to allocate resources to deal with this very prevalent problem. \n \n \nView the presentation from the lecture below: \n \nWy Somalia Works for Pirates  from Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar  \nContinuing the debate was the second panelist\, Roger Middleton\, who placed Somali piracy within a historical context and argued that the current situation is a result of the many failed political formations that the country has experienced. Middleton noted that although the problem of piracy is rampant in Somalia\, “it is worth remembering that piracy is not\, by a long distance\, the biggest problem in Somalia\, but it is a means of engaging the world’s attention on what is one of the most difficult political situations in Africa.” Piracy is just one example of the myriad political and structural deficiencies that Somalia faces. \n \n \nThe political\, economic\, and geographic conditions in Somalia create the ideal situation for pirates and criminal networks to thrive on a major naval trade corridor. Middleton explained that\, since at least the 1970s\, Somalia has been at war with itself and with its neighbors leaving 3.5 million people in desperate need of aid. This is compromised by criminal acts of piracy and corruption\, and is further compounded by the fact that “external actors do not always have the best of intentions when they come into Somalia.” Indeed\, Middleton argued\, “the failure of the international community to effectively prevent illegal fishing in Somali waters certainly has fed into the hands of the pirates in terms of giving them an excellent public relations tool.” \n \n \nThe war in Somalia\, Middleton argued\, was originally an attempt to liberate the country from a dictator\, but this quickly evolved into an economically-motivated warlord struggle. Currently\, he said\, the war has taken yet another turn and there are areas of Somalia that are being governed by groups like Al-Shabaab who aim to impose fundamentalist ideologies. These factions are further fueled by an abundance of easily available illegal weapons. Middleton said\, “when the regime of Siad Barre fell in the beginning of the 1990s\, the barracks and the armories were opened and onto the Somali market flooded hundreds of thousands of weapons.” Somalia has become one of the major entry points of illegal arms into Africa. \n \n \nMiddleton argued that it was important to point out that piracy is a criminal act and not one of terrorism\, contrary to numerous media reports. The reason why piracy has become such a sensationalist media topic is because “there is real paucity of good intelligence about what is going on in Somalia\,” and this has fed into the international community’s general fears about terrorism. \n \n \nIn conclusion\, Middleton urged the international community to address the humanitarian and political problems in Somalia with just as much focus as it gives to piracy. “Piracy\,” he said\, “is just one example of what happens if you do nothing about Somalia’s internal problems.” \n \n \nView the presentation from lecture below: \n \nPirates in the Gulf of Aden  from Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar   \nDaniele Archibugi concluded the panel with a presentation on how European countries view piracy and their responses to it. Archibugi noted that the social and cultural struggles taking place at the heart of the piracy debate are often forgotten by policy-makers who focus on the broader political and macro-economic implications\, leaving little room to discuss the daily effects of piracy. \n \n \nSomali piracy is interesting\, Archibugi said\, because the perpetrators are usually poor and disenfranchised people\, not the organized criminal networks one would expect to pull off such daring feats against large commercial oil tankers. The political situation in Somalia has meant that the international community\, made up of powerful states\, utilizing modern warfare technologies such as satellites\, weaponry\, and navies\, is rendered powerless in the face of a much lesser enemy. “It is surprising to see that the new holy alliance to fight 1\,000 illiterate boys is so far unable to address the problem\,” he said. \n \n \nThe international community’s inaction regarding the political situation in Somalia has generated a failed state\, increased poverty\, and the conditions which encourage piratical acts. The cost of this inaction\, Archibugi explained\, is far greater than the resources the business sector and tax payers spend in the United States and Europe to pay for navies to patrol the Gulf of Aden. Paying insurance premiums\, hiring private security firms\, and agreeing to ransoms do not solve the problem\, but avoids it in order for daily business to continue. To skirt the problems of imposing international law on a failed state\, ship owners and insurance companies have opted to settle matters privately with pirates. This is an option that is more profitable and preferable to European corporations in comparison to the drawn-out negotiations otherwise necessary to solve the problem in the long-term. \n \n \nCurrently\, Archibugi argued\, both piracy and war crimes could potentially be treated as part of the same universal jurisdiction discourse. He said\, “in my view\, and according to my scale of values\, I would nominate war crimes as a far greater crime than piracy. I would like to see […] that the same rules and the same legal procedures applied to pirates are applied to war criminals.” Archibugi continued by saying\, that the reason why all the international community’s energies’ are focused on piracy and not war criminals is because “war criminals are the powerful and the pirates are the powerless.” \n \n \nBecause piracy is a crime that has garnered much media interest\, the international community pays close attention to what happens to the pirates after they are caught. If the arresting country is European\, it must insist that the pirates be tried fairly and placed in jails that meet European human rights standards. Archibugi argued that piracy has\, therefore\, opened up discussions about forcing pirate-receiving countries to better their standards and living conditions in jails. The legal frameworks for conducting such novel international trials\, Archibugi said\, have yet to be put into place. “Somali piracy tells us that global governance is very fragile\,” he said. \n \n \nArchibugi concluded by arguing that the problems of piracy should be addressed on land and not at sea. “At sea it is very difficult to trace them and it is very difficult to fight them\, but not on land.” Indeed\, he said\, if the international community manages to help recreate a federal state in Somalia\, it will eventually be possible to control the coast and eliminate piracy\, and\, above all\, to provide a decent life to the Somali population.  \n \n \nArticle by Suzi Mirgani. Mirgani is CIRS Publications Coordinator.
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/open-sea-piracy-modern-world-perils-and-prospects/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Environmental Studies,Panels,Regional Studies
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