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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20091101T120000
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DTSTAMP:20260416T104228
CREATED:20171115T105614Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240314T114851Z
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SUMMARY:Mahmood Mamdani on "Mass Violence and Reconciliation"
DESCRIPTION:On November 1\, 2009\, Mahmood Mamdani\, Herbert Lehman Professor of Government and Professor of Anthropology at Columbia University\, gave a lecture to Georgetown students\, faculty\, and staff. The event was sponsored by the Georgetown University-Qatar Culture and Politics (CULP) program\, headed by Professor Rogaia Abusharaf\, the Georgetown University-Qatar African Society student club\, and the Arab Democracy Foundation. Mamdani began the lecture by explaining that much of his recent work focuses on issues of mass violence and reconciliation\, such as the historical events that took place during the apartheid era in South Africa\, the genocide in Rwanda\, and\, more recently\, in Darfur. In order to contextualize these events during his research\, he noted that he began by examining various human rights organizations and their writings and\, he said\, became increasingly skeptical about the data and the means of presenting these findings to the international community. \n \n \nOver the years\, Mamdani said\, many of the most respected human rights organizations have developed formulaic patterns of research\, the purpose of which is to identify the perpetrator\, first and foremost\, and then the victim. At the heart of this approach\, he said\, is a demand for punishment and for these atrocities to be treated as crimes. Mamdani explained that “if you look at conflict situations in the African context\, what you confront is not just a set of events\, but you confront a cycle of violence – an ongoing cycle of violence.” When the Rwandan genocide is placed in this context\, the victim and perpetrator trade places as each side has a victim narrative\, he argued. Human rights literature advocates punishment as a means of ending cycles of violence\, but the core issue itself\, why the violence arose in the first instance\, is not fully addressed. There are two ways of approaching the core issues of any conflict situation\, Mamdani said. One way is to blame the perpetrator as an explanation of the violence and to point to the psychology\, identity\, or culture of the perpetrator as being the reason for conflict. He argued that “the tendency to define victim and perpetrator in absolute terms has lent itself to a demonization process and\, ironically\, one of the worst tendencies in the human rights movement\, which drives it to demonize perpetrators\, undercuts it.” He argued that “the framing in terms of crime and punishment\, basically says that the only solution to violence is more violence – the only difference being\, theirs is bad violence and ours is good violence; ours is the violence meant to stop violence.” \n \n \nCurrently\, the paradigm of how to deal with mass civil conflict is a result of the Nuremberg trails\, which maintained that “political orders are not a sufficient excuse and that every individual and state official must take full responsibility for what they have done.” He added that “the Nuremberg model was based on two assumptions: one assumption was that the conflict has ended – there is a victor and\, therefore\, crimes can be de- fined\, identified\, and punished under the rule of the victor.” The second assumption “is that perpetrators and victims will not have to live together.” But in the case of South African apartheid\, neither of these assumptions held true\, “there was no victor” and “there was no Israel for the victims” as both oppressor and oppressed had to live alongside each other after the cessation of apartheid. In this instance\, there was a need to “decriminalize” the oppressors and their policies\, and “treat them as political adversaries.” \n \n \nSouth African apartheid was a problem of “the definition of political society.” Indeed\, “in this context\,” he argued\, “part of the challenge was the founding of a new political society; a foundation which would lay the basis for the rule of law.” Therefore “part of the trade-off was that there would be no criminal trials.” Mamdani said that “the focus was on political justice\, not criminal justice” and that is why “the South African model is more relevant to the kind of post-colonial conflict in African situations\, which is actually about the foundation of a new political order.” \n \n \nConcluding with his thoughts on the situation in Darfur\, Mamdani argued that through modern movements such as the Save Darfur campaign\, there has been a tendency to “commoditize” the conflict through celebrity publicity\, a dramatization of events\, and an emotional appeal to the international community\, rather than addressing the political problems and explaining the issues. \n \n \n 
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/mahmood-mamdani-mass-violence-and-reconciliation/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Race & Society,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20091102T080000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20091102T180000
DTSTAMP:20260416T104228
CREATED:20141026T152105Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20240314T114844Z
UID:10001021-1257148800-1257184800@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:Water\, Energy\, and Climate Change in the Gulf
DESCRIPTION:CIRS organized a panel presentation on the issues of “Water\, Energy\, and Climate Change in the Gulf.” The panel\, chaired by the Interim Dean of GU-Q Mehran Kamrava\, was made up of Professor Tim Beach of Georgetown University\, Professor Sharif Elmusa of Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar\, and Mari Luomi\, a researcher at The Finnish Institute for International Affairs and a PhD candidate at Durham University. All three experts approached the panel topics from their unique disciplinary perspectives of geoscience\, environmental politics\, and political science respectively.  \n\nClick here to download an MP3 of the panel discussion  \n\nTim Beach gave the first presentation in which he illustrated the state of the world’s biodiversity in the current ecological climate and how its degradation relates directly to issues of diminished resources and\, ultimately\, to issues of human rights. He argued that “the world and the Gulf are faced with solving two ends in the equation of water.” One aspect of the politics of water is to maintain ecosystems and the other is to provide adequate amounts of water for direct human needs and uses. Currently\, with increases in global population numbers and temperature levels\, there is a water deficit in many parts of the world. Beach maintained that “in the last hundred years or so\, about half of the world’s wetlands have disappeared.”  \n\nCurrently\, “wetlands cover 6% of the world\, but provide a disproportionate amount of the ecosystem services to humanity and form hotspots for biodiversity” as they have a high net primary productivity\, Beach said. “Currently however\, he noted that “wetlands face continuous threats\,” and there are many areas of disappearing wetlands around the globe due to human agricultural and farming projects as well climate change effects. Beach argued that wetlands\, marshes\, and mangroves are some of the most important areas for ecosystem services such as fish\, wildlife\, and soil habitats. Critically\, from an environmental economic perspective\, apart from being habitats for endangered species and spawning grounds for fishing industries\, Beach explained that “wetlands are natural water quality improvers” and so\, in the long run\, their worth per hectare is far greater than prime farmland. As such\, “wetlands are natural carbon sequestration areas” that need proper maintenance for their full potential to be activated. As a final thought\, Beach argued that water is a basic human right that needs to be protected through United Nations declarations and supported through development programs in the impoverished areas of the world. Human interactions with wetlands do not have to be degrading\, but it is possible to learn from various tribes in South America who have a symbiotic and long-term sustainable relationship with these areas. Sharif Elmusa gave the second presentation on the subject of “debating water and oil wars” in the Middle East. He argued that water wars\, although long predicted\, have not come to pass\, but what we have instead are wars over oil. The reason for this\, he argued\, is because water is of regional significance\, it is not a resource sold on the world market. The primary reason there is international political interest in the dearth of water is that it could lead to the disruption of oil supplies. Countries with valuable resources – ones that can be appropriated and sold on the world market – are more likely to suffer violent conflict than countries that do not\, and oil qualifies as one of these finite and highly sought-after resources. Elmusa explained that these resources do not only underlie armed conflicts\, but help in the prolongation and intensification of existing ones; “you cannot understand what is happening in Iraq today\, without understanding the role of oil in the civil war that is taking place\,” he said. In this regard\, Elmusa\, quoting Gary Wills\, said that the United States has had two long-standing and active interests in the Gulf area and its fossil fuels. One goal “is to guarantee the secure supply of oil to the industrialized countries\, and the second is to prevent any hostile power from acquiring political or military control over those resources.” Historically\, “any attempt by an outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region was regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America\,” he added. This entrenched mindset was translated into the two American-led wars involving Iraq. While 9/11 may have triggered the 2003 war\, as some have claimed\, it would not have happened without the prior fixation on “securing” the oil supply from the region. Elmusa noted that although “water is scarce and is going to become even scarcer because of rapid population growth\, urbanization\, and global warming\,” he speculated further on why wars were fought over oil rather than water. Water\, he argued\, flows across countries\, but oil does not. To get oil\, you must go to the source.  \n\nIf however\, a war was to be waged over water\, it would happen among the downstream Arab states\, the reason being their dependence on the geography and the distribution of power in each basin. Syria\, for instance\, cannot go to war with Turkey over the Euphrates River because Turkey is much stronger militarily and because taking over the origins of this watercourse would entail domination over millions of Kurds. However\, Syria and Iraq could find themselves engaged in military confrontation if Turkey does not release enough water for the two states. The same could happen in the Nile basin between Egypt and Sudan\, because Egypt cannot project its military away from its immediate borders to Ethiopia\, the source of the bulk of the Nile’s flow. But this\, he said\, depends on the unknown future of Sudan itself.  \n\nIn conclusion\, Elmusa explained that avoiding water or oil wars in the future requires that we stop thinking of these wars as political possibilities\, and begin thinking innovatively of viable alternatives.  \n\nThe third and final speaker\, Mari Luomi\, presented a political science perspective of the pressures and potential sources of threat that climate change poses to the Gulf monarchies. She argued that “climate change itself is envisaged to have different kinds of negative consequences that could potentially be destabilizing for the countries of the Middle East.” Although this was the case\, Luomi warned that discussing climate change within a strict security framework could lead to emphasizing adaptation measures over mitigation as well as shifting approaches to the problem from multilateralism to unilateralism and responsibility from the individual to the state. She argued that “the six Gulf Cooperation Council states\, particularly the four OPEC member states – Saudi Arabia\, Kuwait\, the UAE\, and Qatar – perceive climate change mitigation as a threat to their economies.”  \n\nThe negative consequences of climate change affect the physical\, social\, and economic aspects of any country or region. The physical consequences include temperature and sea-level rise\, changes in precipitation\, and intensity and frequency of natural disasters. Social consequences include problems with food and water security\, migration\, and instability and\, finally\, in terms of economic consequences\, “the cost of delayed action to fight climate change will be higher than that of prompt action\,” she said.  \n\nWith regards to the Middle East\, Luomi explained that there is a dearth of historic data recording past weather patterns and climate change effects\, but because of the region’s water scarcity\, and pockets of political instability\, it is considered to be one of the most vulnerable areas in the world. However\, in the international negotiations on climate change\, the OPEC countries have concentrated in emphasizing the potential negative consequences that policies and actions of the industrialized countries to mitigate climate change might have on their oil revenue in the long term.  \n\nIn terms of responsibility for alleviating climate change\, she noted that “although it is indisputably the industrialized states that bear the responsibility for climate change\, and should take the lead in fighting it\, developing states will have to understand that the battle can only be won if everyone participates according to their capabilities.”  \n\nConcluding the final presentation\, Luomi explained that climate change presents the Gulf countries with opportunities that could be actively exploited. She argued that “there are tangible financial benefits to be gained through decarbonizing Qatar’s energy economy by exploring energy efficiency\, solar energy\, and carbon trade.” To this effect\, new ministries for the environment are being set up in many Gulf states that try to project new images of themselves as an energy-efficient and sustainable countries by investing in a variety of alternative energy projects and initiatives.  \n\nFinally\, because there is a regional leadership vacuum in the Gulf and in the Middle East\, “Qatar should\, among other things\, seek to develop technologies and solutions related to natural gas\, which is widely seen as a transitional fuel\,” Luomi said.   \n\nPanelist Biographies  \n\nTim Beach holds the Cinco Hermanos Chair in Environment and International Affairs and is Professor of Geography and Geoscience and Director of the School of Foreign Service’s Program in Science\, Technology\, & International Affairs (STIA) for 2009-2010. He was the Director of Georgetown University’s Center for the Environment from 1999 to 2007. His research focuses on soils\, agriculture\, environment change and geoarchaeology. He also teaches courses in physical geography (climatology\, hydrology\, geomorphology\, and environmental management) and how these relate to international management and policy in the STIA and environmental studies programs.  \n\nSharif Elmusa is Visiting Associate Professor at Georgetown University in Qatar from the American University in Cairo\, Egypt\, where he is an associate professor in the Political Science Department. He teaches courses on sustainable development; global environmental politics; technology and culture and industrialization; and the everyday politics of Palestine. His research and writing covers environmental politics\, including hydropolitics\, resources conflict/ cooperation\, culture and the natural environment.  \n\nMari Luomi is currently a Researcher at The Finnish Institute for International Affairs and is completing her PhD on the energy security and climate change attitudes of small Gulf states at Durham University.  \n\nArticle by Suzi Mirgani. Suzi is CIRS Publications Coordinator.
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/water-energy-and-climate-change-gulf/
CATEGORIES:American Studies,Environmental Studies,Panels,Regional Studies
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DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20091104T080000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20091104T180000
DTSTAMP:20260416T104228
CREATED:20141026T140351Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210902T103533Z
UID:10000999-1257321600-1257357600@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:Europe and the Gulf Region: Towards a New Horizon
DESCRIPTION:Christian-Peter Hanelt\, Senior Expert on Europe and the Middle East at the Bertelsmann Stiftung\, was invited by CIRS to give a lunchtime Focused Discussion entitled “Europe and the Gulf Region: Towards a New Horizon” to Georgetown University–Qatar faculty and staff on November 4\, 2009.  \n \n \nHanelt focused on the current relations between Europe and the Gulf region. He maintained that the GCC was an important political partner\, energy supplier\, and\, in its efforts to diversify\, a crucial investor in the European Union. “The EU and the Gulf\,” he said\, “are islands of stability” that are surrounded by economic and politic turbulence.  \n \n \nAdvocating for the importance of strengthening ties within the European Union\, Hanelt noted that those countries that are party to the Euro currency were significantly less affected by the recent global economic crisis than those that maintained their own currencies. The current reforms proposed by the Lisbon Treaty\, Hanelt said\, will undoubtedly affect the ways in which the European Union is structured\, its future expansion\, and its relationships with its neighbors as well as with the larger international community. Issues of European Union expansion to include Turkey are of particular significance in the years to come and will have direct consequences on its relationships with the Middle East and the Gulf.  \n \n \nCurrently\, the EU works with Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries in various state-building and soft power initiatives and Qatar’s prolific conflict resolution plans\, he said\, are of particular importance to its rapport with the European Union.  \n \n \nIn terms of possible future collaborative projects between the EU and the Gulf\, Hanelt predicted that the most important areas of synergy will be on issues of sustainability and the setting up of mutually beneficial agricultural\, solar\, and energy plans. Hanelt said that “both the GCC and the EU depend on functioning global markets and there is a need for more cooperation and dialogue on how to work together in the G20.”  \n \n \nIn looking at the future of EU-GCC relations\, Hanelt suggested that the EU and the GCC could collaborate on a variety of free trade agreements such as those that have been negotiated between the GCC and the United States. Other areas of accord could involve higher education initiatives\, research\, and dialogue on issues of regional security challenges. \n \n \nArticle by Suzi Mirgani\, CIRS Publications Coordinator. 
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/europe-and-gulf-region-towards-new-horizon/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Regional Studies
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20091110T080000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20091110T180000
DTSTAMP:20260416T104228
CREATED:20141023T161458Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210902T103525Z
UID:10000952-1257840000-1257876000@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:John Crist on Global Trends in Protest
DESCRIPTION:John T. Crist\, Assistant Dean for Academic Affairs at the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar and an expert on social movements and peace and conflict studies\, delivered his lecture\, “From Gandhi to Twitter: Global Trends in Protest\,” before a packed house of students\, faculty\, staff\, and community members on November 10\, 2009 as part of the CIRSMonthly Dialogue series.  \n \n \nCrist focused on the changing nature of social protest movements in the face of rapid globalization. He pointed to the shift away from activism directed at specific states towards movements and protests that transcend national boundaries. \n \n \nUsing the iconic anti-colonial protests led by Mahatma Gandhi on the Indian subcontinent during the early twentieth century as an example\, Crist outlined the traditional state-targeted methods of social activism as a precedent for today’s increasingly borderless transnational protest movements. Contrary to popular perception\, Gandhi’s emphasis on nonviolent civil disobedience delivered only partial success\, according to Crist. However\, nonviolent tactics were invaluable in creating broad popular support for the Indian National Congress. The group was\, according to Crist\, “the main vehicle that Gandhi and the Gandhians used to disseminate their ideas and their tactics of nonviolent action.” The Indian National Congress came to be recognized as the de-facto opposition government in colonized India\, wielding great leverage because of its power as a social movement that mobilized millions against British rule across many constituencies.  \n \n \nProtest trends in the twenty-first century\, Crist posited\, have reflected the seismic influence of globalization\, with interest groups from around the globe banding together to coordinate action. “The single-most important trend in social movements is the move away from the state as the principle target for protest activity\,” Crist said. “This\, of course\, is the result of the power of globalization.”  \n \n \nThe increased availability of funding sources\, ease of travel\, low cost of communication through technologies like the internet\, and high-profile transnational forums such as the United Nations\, have enabled issues groups to bring their protests to the international stage.  \n \n \nCrist noted that an unprecedented number of transnational coalitions that work to promote their coordinated initiatives and messages in multiple countries are currently being formed. A prime example of the new protest mold is the 350 Campaign\, which is an environmental initiative that calls itself “a global grassroots campaign to stop the climate crisis.” According to Crist\, on October 24\, 2009\, the group held concurrent events in 181 countries around the world\, including in Qatar\, to promote climate change advocacy. It seeks to provide its environmental allies in governments and organizations across the globe with leverage to prompt policy change. Global protest movements such as the 350Campaign hope that their coordinated international efforts will garner the attention of leaders in many nations while at the same time galvanizing local groups to continue their activities.  \n \n \nCrist also touched on the power that new technologies such as SMS-messaging and Twitter have had on grassroots activism. He pointed to the role that Twitter and texting played in orchestrating protests following the Iranian elections of June 2009. Through “tweets\,” Iranians were able to send out instantaneous updates about unfolding events to help bolster their struggle\, as well as to communicate with the international media outlets that have been barred by the Iranian government. The power of Twitter to influence the actions of the protestors on the ground as well as the international political structure were striking\, according to Crist\, who asserted that Twitter “had become\, overnight\, a tool for dramatic social change and a sticking point in U.S.-Iranian relations.”  \n \n \nEnding the lecture\, Crist pointed out that not all modern grassroots protests facilitated by these new technologies are successful. Recent political protests in Moldova organized through the social networking site Facebook and through text messaging turned violent. In the absence of strong leadership with a clear message or strategy\, Crist said\, grassroots protests facilitated by communication technologies can easily become counterproductive or even destructive. \n \n \nDr. Crist is Assistant Dean for Academic Affairs at Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar. He received his Ph.D. in Interdisciplinary Social Science from the Program on the Analysis and Resolution of Conflicts in the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs at Syracuse University. \n \n \nHe taught courses in sociology\, peace studies\, conflict resolution\, and research methods at the M.A. in Conflict Resolution Program on the Georgetown University main campus\, the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University\, Maxwell School at Syracuse University\, the Peace Studies Program at Colgate University\, and the Department of Sociology at the Catholic University of America. Professor Crist published journal articles and book reviews on social movements\, nonviolent action\, and the policing of demonstrations. He edited a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary Ethnography on ethnographic fieldwork in war zones and post-conflict settings. As a fellow of the Albert Einstein Institution\, he conducted extensive archival research in England and India on the politics of nonviolent mobilization during the Gandhian anti-colonial struggle in India.  \n \n \nArticle by Clare Malone. Clare is a Student Affairs Officer at the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar.
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/john-crist-global-trends-protest/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Race & Society
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20091111T080000
DTEND;TZID=Europe/Moscow:20091111T180000
DTSTAMP:20260416T104228
CREATED:20141026T135925Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20210902T103502Z
UID:10000998-1257926400-1257962400@cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu
SUMMARY:Gulf Gas Development: A Rational Development Strategy
DESCRIPTION:On November 11\, 2009\, Justin Dargin\, a Research Fellow with The Dubai Initiative at Harvard University and a Fulbright Scholar of the Middle East\, was invited by CIRS to deliver a lecture on “Gulf Gas Development: A Rational Development Strategy” to Georgetown University in Qatar faculty and staff. The lecture focused on the basics of the Gulf Gas/Power Sector and how the countries of the GCC are facing the current energy challenges.  \n \n \nDargin maintained that “the Gulf region is home to some of the largest natural gas reserves: 23% of global total” but because there is “only 8% of global production\,” there is great future potential to tap into these reserves to facilitate increased production. Qatar\, he said\, is the world’s number one Liquid Natural Gas (LNG) exporter since 2006. “With the exception of Qatar\,” Dargin noted\, “every GCC member is facing a gas shortage.” By developing its natural gas sector\, Qatar’s industrial development program rivals the traditional oil production projects of its neighbors. \n \nGulf Gas Development: A Rational Development Strategy  from Georgetown University School of Foreign Service in Qatar  \nOver the last few decades\, the Gulf states have experienced a tremendous injection of wealth to their local economies. This has had major effects on the infrastructure and population of the countries and all the related demands that these expansions entail. Currently\, there is a “demographic explosion” of imported labor that far outstrips local populations and “a major push for industrialization” combined with a “need for desalination projects.” Because the GCC is growing at an unprecedented pace\, various developments are needed to sustain the future of GCC infrastructure and economies. In this respect\, Dargin argued that “the GCC will need to add 60 gigawatts (GW) of additional power between 2009 and 2015\, which represents 80% of current capacity.” \n \n \nGoing through case studies for each Gulf state\, Dargin pointed out how the “gas crunch” has affected these countries’ individual economies. Saudi Arabia is experiencing problems because “recent OPEC quotas prevented it from supplying additional gas to the domestic sector\, thus increasing the reliance on liquid fuels\,” and in Kuwait\, the UAE and Oman\, “there will not be enough gas to meet the demand increase\,” argued Dargin. \n \n \nThe ramifications\, Dargin noted\, is that the domestic price paid for gas and electricity is too low\, which “distorts investment and consumption decisions. It dampened interest for regional trading in favor of global LNG export.” He further added that “the main obstacle between the two regional suppliers\, Iran and Qatar\, and the regional consumers\, Kuwait\, UAE and Bahrain\, has been pricing issues.” \n \n \nConcluding the lecture with the future prospects of the energy sector in the GCC\, Dargin said that there are\, currently in the initiation phase\, various ambitious projects being set up to exploit natural resources and to “stimulate domestic production.” Some of these initiatives include establishing domestic gas production facilities and investment in renewable and alternative energy plans such as “the GCC Nuclear plan\, various solar and wind initiatives\, and the Masdar Initiative.” \n \n \nDargin is a specialist in international law and energy law\, and is a prolific author on energy affairs. He specializes in carbon trading\, the global oil and gas market\, the legal framework surrounding the Gulf energy sector\, and Middle Eastern geopolitics. Dargin is the author of “The Dolphin Project: The Development of a Gulf Gas Initiative” (OIES Press January 2008)\, and the author of a book\, entitled Desert Dreams: The Quest for Gulf Integration from the Arab Revolt to the Gulf Cooperation Council (forthcoming 2010).  \n \n \nArticle by Suzi Mirgani\, CIRS Publications Coordinator.
URL:https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/event/gulf-gas-development-rational-development-strategy/
CATEGORIES:Dialogue Series,Regional Studies
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